Lezra

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Founder: The Lord of Sparkhill

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Largest Black Market: 571st Most Valuable International Artwork: 753rd Most Nations: 1,045th+5
Most Corrupt Governments: 2,014th Highest Poor Incomes: 2,021st Most Advanced Defense Forces: 2,085th Most Advanced Public Transport: 2,391st Largest Arms Manufacturing Sector: 2,393rd
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𝔚𝔢𝔩𝔠𝔬𝔪𝔢 𝔱𝔬 𝔱𝔥𝔢 𝔇𝔬𝔪𝔦𝔫𝔦𝔬𝔫 𝔬𝔣 𝔏𝔢𝔷𝔯𝔞!


The desert has its holiness of silence...
...the crowd its holiness of conversation.


𝐃𝐢𝐬𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐬
MAP OF LEZRA


𝐑𝐞𝐬𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐜𝐞𝐬

|| LinkNew Discord Since the Other Link Broke || Quotes ||


Welcome to Lezra. May the fun times here continue!

The Quote of the Day:
"Sometimes you have to die a little on the inside in order to be REBORN and RISE again as a STRONGER and WISER version of you."
- Unknown

RP Date: October 1764

From the ashes we rise again, better than before.
Currently in the roleplay: Development
Roleplay: Character RP Austrontan Wars



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Embassies: Westfalen Westphalia, The Sands, The Bar on the corner of every region, Union of the Kind Ones, Capitalist Paradise, The Glorious Nations of Iwaku, Sunalaya, The Western Isles, The Alterran Republic, The Alliance of Dictators, Union of Democrats, The Geopolitics Roleplay Region, Circumspice, International Debating Area, Kingdom of Adonai, The Great Experiment, and 7 others.The Independent Newspaper, nasunia, Fredonia, RHINIA, Diamond City, Greater Middle East, and 1st Epitome United.

The embassy with The Great Experiment is being withdrawn. Closure expected .

Tags: Casual, Democratic, Map, Medium, Regional Government, and Role Player.

Lezra contains 17 nations, the 1,045th most in the world.

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Today's World Census Report

The Highest Disposable Incomes in Lezra

The World Census calculated the average incomes of citizens after paying tax.

As a region, Lezra is ranked 10,492nd in the world for Highest Disposable Incomes.

NationWA CategoryMotto
1.The Monarchy of BalticoniaCapitalist Paradise“Ve er Ped, ve ar pad, ve or pod”
2.The Guerrilla Home Army of Free RednedoniaNew York Times Democracy“United We Stand, With Honor We Fall”
3.The Galactic Federation of OswornNew York Times Democracy“We Shall Never Surrender”
4.The New World Order of The SantlandFather Knows Best State“The State Stands Together!”
5.The Republic of PolokkaMoralistic Democracy“Ko immeiset onnee toevotti”
6.The Grand Kingdom of RednedoniaNew York Times Democracy“United We Stand, With Honor We Fall”
7.The Empire of KraxisIron Fist Consumerists“Attack Like a Minotaur”
8.The High Kingdom of Bakka and UtopiaIron Fist Consumerists“For Bakka and Utopia, In the Name of Lezra, I face You”
9.The Kingdom of IvoriceMoralistic Democracy“Destroy the military, bring peace and happiness”
10.The Holy Empire of DrextopiaDemocratic Socialists“Religion is important”
12»

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Lezra Regional Message Board

Messages from regional members are co-ordinated here.

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The Kingdom of Old Utopia

19th Century Lucanite Political History VI: Bentino and the New Front

Bentino's spectacular and meteoric rise through Lucanite politics stunned the nation. In just three years, he had gained a large following and the New Front was the new leading power in the political stage, easily surpassing both the Conservatives and Republicans, as well as the SWC. After gaining a majority in the 1896 General Election, Bentino was elected as the fourth president of the Third Republic. Bentino, well-liked and popular, was the new face of Lucania. As it turned though, his fall would come just as fast as his rise.

Bentino Administration
As a former Secretary of Economic Affairs, Bentino's main focus for his first term was on, predictably, the economy, which was in decline. When he had resigned, around 10% of the GDP went to the national debt. By 1896 it had risen back to 24%, a worrying amount. Inflation was also on the rise, and for perhaps the first time in Lucanite history, the country had a trade deficit, instead of a surplus. All this and more contributed to an economy which by 1896, was on the rails. Bentino's new policies and economic planning attempted to fix the issue. Yet this economic plan, despite Bentino's supposed experience with economic handling and his success with it under Gelino Gonzalo, failed. In December of 1897, the Secretary of Economic Affairs, Danilo Loreto, had finished the economic report for the first two years of Bentino's administration. The report explained, in length, that the national debt now took up a staggering 36% of the GDP, and that inflation had risen up to 6%.

Bentino worried that publishing the report would hurt his image greatly and prevent him from being re-elected, stopped Danilo from publishing the report. When no report came in 1898, some grew suspicious, and one journalist, a man by the name of Niccolo Manfredo, did some digging and procured a copy of the report, which he then sent to the newspapers in exchange for a hefty price. The ensuing scandal greatly tarnished Bentino's reputation. Several newspapers called the policies of the New Front 'a disgrace' or highly 'unsuccessful' and mass protests soon broke out. Bentino's response was to blame it on Danilo Loreto, who he publicly lambasted and humiliated, before dismissing him from the position of Secretary of Economic Affairs. This decision did not incur a good response though and people called Danilo a scapegoat, used to deflect the faults of Bentino. As the next general election approached, Bentino's second term now seemed to be hanging on by a thread.

Bentino's foreign policy was also disliked. Since the decline of Lucania's position as a great power, the foreign policy of Lucanian presidents had shifted to one of developing closer ties with its regional neighbours, Allania and Balticonia. These policies were also accompanied by a healthy side of neutrality and pacifism when it came to the greater Lezran stage. Bentino, however, had other plans and instead worked to bring back Lucania to the stage of the great powers. In February of 1898, a Lucanian fishing boat was sunk by a Sastan military ship in the Pondel River. The incident sparked a global reaction against Sastaville and its monarchy. Bentino, hoping for a distraction from the scandal that was the economic report of 1898, quickly took action and tasked a large fleet of 30 river ships to begin patrolling Sastan waters. Sastaville responded by sending a fleet of 50 river ships to scare away the Lucanians, but Bentino refused to back down. After reinforcing the 30-ship fleet with a further 10 ships, he ordered the admiral of the fleet to fire at the Sastans. Around 4 Sastan ships sank, killing around 800 and injuring many more. Lucania, meanwhile, suffered no casualties.

The ensuing Lucanian-Sastan war lasted nine months. After huge naval success in the Pondel river, Lucania moved on land, launching a land invasion of Sastaville through Solondo that march. Here, however, the outdated and ill-equipped Lucanian military, which had not fought in a war for nearly forty years, struggled to gain any ground. After three months, the Sastans were gaining the upper hand and pushing back the Lucanians. Bentino, who desperately needed a victory, asked for help from the Balticonians, who gladly gave it, invading Sastaville with around 30,000 men. The Sastans, unable to fight a war on two fronts, surrendered. Lucania was given a large sum of cash and control over the Pondel River, even if it was in Sastan territory. The war also brought down the Sastan monarchy, which was overthrown in a revolution later that year.

Bentino's victory over the Sastans did distract the nation from the declining economy and the victorious peace treaty improved the president's image. However, public discontent and unrest were only increasing and the media did not give Bentino much credit for winning the war, instead, giving it to the local admirals and generals. Bentino's administration was still widely unpopular, and it seemed like he would lose the 1900 General Election to the Conservative Party, which was rising in popularity. As unemployment and inflation continued to rise, and the national debt took up more and more of the GDP, mass protests and riots broke out against Bentino, calling for him to resign.

As the 19th century ended, giving way to the 20th century, Lucania held its general elections. The main candidates were Bentino, now aged fifty-five, and Giraldo Emilio, the young but popular leader of the Conservative Party. After around a week of voting and counting the votes, the results were announced. Bentino's New Front had won 380 seats. He had won his second term.

The Grand Kingdom of Rednedonia

19th Century Rednedonian History IV/ 20th Century Rednedonian History I: Setting the Stage.
As the 19th century neared it's end in the 1890s, Rednedonia had grown greatly in terms of prestige and power. At the beginning of the century, they were a medieval society barely keeping itself together as foreigners landed and began invading the nation. By the end of the 19th century, Rednedonia had claimed a new homeland, made new allies, and had become one of the most industrious and intellectual nations in the world.

With major problems arising in the Santland, Rednedonia was once again alone in the world. It began allying itself with other nations on mainland Lezra, and some Rednedonians began migrating to nations such as Korania and Lucania. As the centuries shifted into the 20th century, Rednedonia continued to heighten its fascination with science and invention. Vamiz automobiles were upgraded and made quicker, safer to use, and easier to produce. Two brothers, Gariv and Bemin Wiker were attempting to take Vamiz's inventions and put the same effort to air flight.

Gariv was a 27 year old mechanical engineer who was familiar with the ins and outs of Vamiz's combustion engines. Bemin was a 30 year old inventor who spent time in Lucania studying how to use radio waves to transmit sound without need for a wire. Early in the morning on September 23, 1904, the brothers were testing their first prototype of what they called the "aeroplane." Gariv laid in the contraption and would maneuver the aeroplane as Bemin launched the invention using a rail that propelled the object into the air. Bemin launched the aeroplane, and Gariv managed to fly, or rather float, several hundred feet before making a somewhat rough landing. Bemin and a nearby Home Army guard that was on standby helped Gariv out of the contraption, and the plane was salvaged for another launch. After several more launches and prototype designs over the next few months, the device was able to fly nearly 4 miles in a single flight. Although it could not fly far, other nations would continue to pioneer new versions of the aeroplane as the invention was shifted into use in war with the advent of the Great War.

The Kingdom of Old Utopia

so what we thinking about the great war?

Who were the participants, who fought in it, etc?

The New World Order of The Santland

Old Utopia wrote:so what we thinking about the great war?

Who were the participants, who fought in it, etc?

I'd say that the usual suspects are involved. Red and I would probably be on the same side, especially since I was thinking Red might bail me out during the economic crash.

The Kingdom of Old Utopia

The Santland wrote:I'd say that the usual suspects are involved. Red and I would probably be on the same side, especially since I was thinking Red might bail me out during the economic crash.

We could have you guys fight Free Toast and...Austronta?
And Korania and Ivorica should probably we involved.
What about from 1909-1915?

The New World Order of The Santland

Old Utopia wrote:We could have you guys fight Free Toast and...Austronta?
And Korania and Ivorica should probably we involved.
What about from 1909-1915?

Sounds about right. Ivorica is an old ally, so they'd likely take my side.

The Kingdom of Old Utopia

So:
The Old Entente (name can be changed)
Koranvistan
Free Toast
Austronta
Snowylan

The New Powers (name can be changed)
The Santland
Ivorica
Rednedonia
Turkish Korania

We can add more.



The Kingdom of Old Utopia

20th Century Lucanite History I: 1900 and the Massacre at the Revolutionary Plaza

Bentino's victory in the general election shocked the nation. Newspapers and prominent politicians called it 'a disgrace' and lambasted the nation for allowing such a weak and inefficient man and his party to rule Lucania for another four years. The months that followed the 1900 General Election were crucial to the history of 20th Century Lucania and would forever change the fate of the nation, guiding it down to a path of instability and great troubles. The death of the Third Republic was nearing and all it needed was a single spark who set the whole thing alight.

1900: The Year of Unrest
When Bentino's victory in the General Election was announced on the 18th of January, 1900, the population of Lucania erupted. A wave of unrest covered the nation as workers and women took to the streets to protest Bentino's unpopular government. The Lucanian president, having won his second term, made no comment on the mass riots that had appeared after his victory and resigned from public appearance for at least two months, staying within the Red Palace in the hill overlooking Kanton Inu, where he focused on administration. Bentino's opposition, the Conservative Party, called the general election that had brought Bentino to power 'a sham and a dictatorial facade'. While it is unlikely that it was rigged, the election did raise suspicion and only worsened Bentino's popularity.

This is not to say that the president had no popularity or support. Despite his failures, Bentino was well-liked by most of the military and the more well-off classes of Lucania supported his policies. The successful war with Sastaville had earned him a loyal following, who supported most of his policies. It was with this, the support of the upper classes, that Bentino retained his power in Lucanian politics. He also had the support of much of the rural population of Lucania, who did not feel the weight of his economic failures as greatly as those in the city. Bentino was also a pious man and had the support of the Church of Carson, due to his generous donations and friendly relationships with the Bishops and priests.

Despite this, protests continued throughout Lucania. Between January and March, a period known as the Winter of Rebellion, a series of protests broke out in the cities of Kanton Inu and Pandonus, demanding an end to Bentino's government. Clashes between rioters and the police began and Bentino instituted a large crackdown, arresting and imprisoning protesters whenever he could. In March of 1900, a massive rebellion in Leondar was met with brutal repression by the city guard. A protest in Andrif suffered the same form of repression. More notably, in November of the same year, a political group known as the Red Torch, who will be important later, organized the seizing of a guard barracks in Kanton Inu. Taking weapons and ammunition, they then attempted an assault upon Bentino's place of residence, the Red Palace. The attempt failed and the perpetrators were arrested and shot to death, but it stunned the people of Lucania. Had civil unrest really escalated so much?

Bentino did not spend the year 1900 idle. As protests broke out in his nation, he worked to implement many of the policies he had promised to give and to repair the economy. New sweeping reforms and spending cuts helped alleviate the pressure on the Lucanian economy. In May that year, the Department of Economic Affairs reported the first trade surplus in almost four years. In August, Bentino took a drastic measure by devaluing the shibecoin, which helped the economic situation somewhat. Between the months of April and September, Bentino was also implementing new reforms to help cut down the size of the national debt, which dropped from taking up 34% of the GDP to taking up only 23%. Bentino made sure that the news of these improvements was spread around Lucania, in hopes of improving his image and it did. After publishing a report in September on the DEA's progress, Bentino's popularity was once again on the rise. Things took a turn for the worse in November with the Red Torch storming the guard barracks of Kanton Inu, but overall, things did seem to be improving and unrest in Lucania was declining.

January 1901: The Revolutionary Plaza Massacre
On the 14th of January, at around 8:00 in the morning, a group of workers, rallied by the Union for Reform (UR), an organization formed by students of the university of Kanton Inu, gathered at the Revolutionary Plaza, in front of the House of Parliament and the statue of Biel Salvi, founder of the first Lucanian Republic, to protest Bentino's unpopular industrialization policies, which had deprived the workers of many of the rights given to them by the SWC. This group numbered only 400 but as the hours passed, other people joined in, and the crowd began growing. By noon, it had grown to around 4,000 people, many with different political viewpoints but all united by a common distrust of Bentino Patrizio. By the afternoon, the crowd numbered around 30,000.

Bentino watched them from a window in the House of Parliament. He was giving an address to the members of parliament, asking them to approve of the fiscal year's (31st January-1st February next year) new budget. The budget was passed with 401 votes for yay, 280 votes for abstaining and 69 for nay. Bentino's carriage awaited him outside, but he had pertained from leaving, due to the growing crowd outside. Bentino, who needed to go first to his residence, the Red Palace, to change for a party held by one of the main donators of the New Front, Pierino Amilcare, ordered someone to request that the crowd disperse. When they refused, Bentino grew increasingly anxious. Worried that they would storm the House of Parliament and capture him, he called the captain of the Hussar Legion, which numbered around 400 stationed in Kanton Inu and ordered the man to disperse the crowd with his men. In the evening, the force of mounted horsemen with sabres and rifles arrived at the Revolutionary Plaza and charged.

Around sixty people were killed and many more injured. The crowd dispersed immediately and Bentino rode safely back to the Red Palace without fear. Yet the Revolutionary Plaza Massacre, as it would be called, ruined Bentino's image. The people stopped seeing him as a corrupt and weak President and instead now saw him as an increasingly power-hungry and dictatorial ruler. One newspaper grimly remarked 'it is a new century and in a show of change and reform the President of Lucania has just ordered soldiers to violently disperse a crowd of peaceful protestors'. The massacre incited more mass protests and talks between politicians, who saw Bentino as increasingly dangerous to the Republic.

One such meeting occurred on the 18th of February and was between five prominent men. Cesarino Jacopo, a finance minister who had worked under Bentino during his period as Secretary of Economic Affairs under the SWC, Alessandro Lauro, a former member of the Conservative Party who had since grown disillusioned with the current state of Lucanian affairs, Ferdinando Lelio, a prominent writer and political commentator, Giacomo Luciano, a satirist and comedian who was also a large opponent of Bentino's government and last but not least, there was Ottaviano Palmiro, a well-liked and popular navy commander. Together, these five men hatched a scheme to bring down Bentino's administration and the Third Republic.

The Grand Kingdom of Rednedonia

20th Century Rednedonian History II: A Brewing Storm.
In the 1900s, Rednedonia prepared itself for a war that seemed to be arriving. A war that had been brewing since the economic crisises of the late 19th century.

When news of Lucanian troops cutting down protesters reached Rednedonia, a reform in legal code and law enforcement sweeped the nation. Ever since the monarchy lost power, law enforcement became lax as the guards that patrolled cities were defunded by the government. Citizen's arrests were encouraged instead, but were rare due to fear of retaliation. Courts lacked government funding and had to extract their money out of the criminals they tried. The massacre in Lucania convinced the populace that they needed a professional force that was trained to arrest, not kill. In New Rhedava, the New Rhedava Police Department was set up and were given dark blue uniforms that were easily identifiable as well as truncheons for subduing criminals. A few months after its founding, NRPD officers busted a massive smuggling ring in the city. Other cities, seeing their success, soon began copying the model of the NRPD.

In 1909, the Rednedonia military was professionial, but underequipped. The army still wore red and blue uniforms from 1874, and telegraph lines were often broken down and in disrepair. The Militia Home Army had not fought a war in decades, and some of the youngest members barely even knew how to fire their rifles. The Great War, however, would soon wake them up to real combat.

The Kingdom of Old Utopia

20th Century Lucanite History II: The 5th of March Revolution and the End of the Third Republic

The 18th of February meeting between Cesarino, Alessandro, Ferdinando, Giacomo and Ottaviano laid the foundation for one of the most crucial events in late Lucanian history. The exact details of this meeting are scarce, for its contents were not recorded or written down, but the participants have later commented on it, giving us a general idea. The meeting at the Caffè San Romio, one of the more prominent coffee houses of Kanton Inu, established a plan between the five men to bring down Bentino's administration and in turn, the Third Republic. The motivations for this meeting vary according to different people. Alessandro and Ottaviano both claimed a growing distrust of Bentino and the Third Republic, while Cesarino, Giacomo and Ferdinando all gave much more romanticised motivations. Whatever the motive, the 18th of February meeting set in motion a course of events that would forever change Lucanian history.

Participants
'The Five Conspirators' as they are now generally called, were joined by a further four notable collaborators over the next week. Gaspar Bruno, a famous defence attorney and aspiring politician, Attilio Tancredi, a student of history at the university of Kanton Inu, Anselmo Ettore, a student of medicine at the university of Leondar and close friend of Giacomo Luciano and finally Nico Alonzo, a captain in the Lucanian army. The group of plotters now numbered nine. With the foundation of the plot now set in stone, they set about working to advance the conspiracy. Nico Alonzo was a rising figure in the army, but his somewhat anti-Bentino sentiments prevented him from going further than the position of captain. Nevertheless, the force that Nico Alonzo was a famed one. Yl Accyioture Viro, The Red Hunters in common tongue were a company of elite light infantry soldiers that numbered around 150. Nico's popularity in the military also allowed him to reach out to the 2nd Kanton Inu Infantry Regiment, numbering 500 men stationed at a base just near Kanton Inu, and the 4th Carpi Artillery Battery which was stationed at the Yellow Castle, a fort that overlooked the city of Kanton Inu and stood opposite to Bentino's residence, the Red Palace which also overlooked the city. The 4th Carpi Artillery Battery numbered 80 men and two cannon, which brought the number of supporters of the conspiracy to 730 and two cannon. The stage had been set.

4th of March: First Movements
At the break of Spring, 1901, Kanton Inu was a place of rumour and conspiracy. Historians believe that the 'Conspiracy of the Nine' may have just been one of the many plots being hatched in the city. They were just the first to make a move. Not all these schemes were necessarily anti-Bentino, either. A Lucanian lieutenant-colonel named Fiorino Maurizio, who feared a Socialist takeover, was apparently gathering his own forces to storm Kanton Inu and arrest the politicians who were part of the opposition to Bentino, charging them for treason against the Republic. This never took place, though, because Gennaro Eusto, commander of the garrison of the city and an avid supporter of Bentino, had caught on to what Fiorino was planning, and had ordered him to stand down in the fear of the plan backfiring and causing Bentino's downfall. Fiorino accepted the order, and the men he was gathering returned to their stations, both inside and outside Kanton Inu.

Bentino was also aware of the conspiracy that was rife in his capital. Gennaro Eusto was becoming increasingly anxious and had been giving daily reports to the President on the status of the city and potential conspiracies and plots. Bentino, also somewhat anxious, had issued a secret order on the 3rd of March to Gennaro and the garrison of the city to be on 'high alert'. A day later, on the 4th of March, he had also ordered the 1st and 3rd Kanton Inu Infantry Regiments, both stationed outside of the city, to return to the capital as soon as possible. Terenzio Arturo, a member of the 1st Kanton Inu Infantry Regiment and friend of Nico Alonzo, knew of the nearing conspiracy and upon hearing that his infantry regiment was to begin moving to the city, he took action. He broke into the room of his superior, Lieutenant-Colonel Calogero Clemente, where there was a telephone, and called Nico Alonzo, informing him of his regiment's movement towards Kanton Inu. Nico now knew that they needed to act fast and act fast they did.

At 3:26 PM, on the 4th of March, the 4th Carpi Artillery Battery revolted against their captain, Angelino Naldo, who was an avid supporter of Bentino. Angelino was imprisoned in one of the cells of the Yellow Fort, and replaced by Nico Alonzo's friend, Battista Vasco, who began preparations. Gathering ammunition, Battista readied his forces for a bombardment of the city. Around 4:30 PM, he wrote a letter to Nico Alonzo informing them of the revolt's success and motioning the rest of the conspirators to also begin moving. He had one of his soldiers, a man by the name of Cristoforo Lotario, leave the fortress and deliver the letter. Cristoforo arrived at the Hotel Clemento around two hours later, where the nine Conspirators resided and gave Nico the letter. The nine men, accompanied by around eleven other people who were also in on the plot, left the hotel immediately and set out for the port of the city, where the other crucial factor of the plot waited for them. Cristoforo returned to the Yello Fort and informed Battista that the letter had been sent and that the rest of the conspirators were on the move.

At the same time, around 5:45 PM, the 2nd Kanton Inu Infantry Regiment and its captain, Gregorio Loreto, also began moving towards Kanton Inu, departing their base near the city. Upon arriving at the city at around 8:00 PM, they were stopped by the garrison and Gennaro Eusto, who inquired as to why they were here when only the 1st and 3rd regiments had been called. Gregorio responded by saying that the captain of the 3rd Regiment had told him to also move to the city. Gennaro Eusto, who was now almost certain that a conspiracy was afoot in the city, let them in, for he needed all the men he could get. Gregorio Loreto and his 500 men moved towards Ajello Square, a large roundabout with a statue of Bernado Ajello in the centre and began setting up there. The people of the city were now feeling the military presence and a sense of uneasiness began to spread throughout the populace.

At 10:00 PM, the conspirators made their biggest move yet. Arriving at the port of Kanton Inu a year prior, they met with the crew of Yl Revuliotiore (The Revolutionary), a large steam cruiser docked at the port that was decked with turrets and large guns. Construction of the ship had finished just last year and it was about to leave port for Mefalta. The Navy had chosen quite a captain to steer the ship: Ottaviano Palmiro, a member of the nine conspirators. On paper, the decision to appoint Ottaviano Palmiro as captain of the ship was a good idea; as rumours of a conspiracy began to mount, Bentino and the Navy wanted him as far away from Lucania as possible. Yet the timing could not be more perfect for the conspirators. Furthermore, the Navy had made the mistake of informing Ottaviano of his new post two days before he was to depart, which gave the plotters ample time to readjust their plans and keep the conspiracy intact. At 10:05 PM, Ottaviano took charge of the ship and left port, accompanied by the other seven conspirators. Nico Alonzo stayed behind in order to coordinate the movements of the Infantry Regiment, the Red Hunters and the Artillery Battery. At around 11:30 PM, as the sight of Kanton Inu began to slowly fade away for the crew of The Revolutionary, Ottaviano informed the crew of a change of plans. They were to lower the anchor and turn the ship so that its port side and guns were facing Kanton Inu.

5th of March: The Revolution
Bentino slept soundly that night. Although the mood of the city was becoming more and more uneasy by the hour, nothing of major importance or alarm had occurred that day and with the regiments arriving soon, the city was feeling safer for the President. He woke up around 6:00 AM, according to one of his servants, who gave an account of the revolution from the perspective of Bentino's government. Nothing seemed out of the ordinary that day, except for the fact that if one was to look at the sea, a figure resembling The Revolutionary could be seen, waiting idly, its anchor dropped. A fog had seeped earlier that night, preventing Gennaro Eusto or any other soldier from noticing its eery presence. When a soldier first noticed the ship at around 6:00 AM, Gennaro Eusto immediately sent a letter to Bentino, informing him of what was happening. Bentino, who had just woke up, received the letter and sent an immediate response: the uprising was imminent and Gennaro was to enact the plan of action that had been drawn up a week prior. Gennaro, upon receiving the response at 7:00 AM, immediately gathered his forces and sent them to their stations. Setting up barricades and securing all defensible positions within and outside the city, Bentino's forces were on the move.

Ottaviano and the other seven conspirators that stood with him watched the city from the deck, waiting for a signal from Nico Alonzo. The plan of the conspirators was simple. Once they were ready, Nico and his men would send a man to ring the bell of the Santa Maria Cathedral, the largest cathedral in the city. If it rang twice, it would be a signal to abort. If it rang three times, it would be a signal to proceed. The artillery battery stationed at the Yellow Fort would respond by firing two shots from their two cannons. If they fired only one, it would be a signal to abort. Finally, Ottaviano and the crew aboard The Revolutionary would fire 3 shots to proceed. If they fired only one, it was a signal to abort. At around 7:10 AM, just as Bentino was getting ready to leave the Yellow Palace and attend a parliament debate at the House of Parliament, Nico sent one of his soldiers, Vanni Catello, to run to the cathedral as fast as possible and ring the bell three times. Arriving at the cathedral at 7:13 AM, he went up to the north tower, where the largest bell was and rang it three times.

It is believed that had Vanni Catello been just ten minutes late, the entire conspiracy might've been unravelled because one of Gennaro Eusto's forces, which numbered around 600, was marching towards Ajello Square, in order to disperse Nico and his men, who were now almost certainly part of the conspiracy. Yet Vanni arrived on time and a minute after the bell had rung three times, the battery at the Yellow Fort fired two shots into the sky, which were heard from the deck of The Revolutionary. Ottaviano gave the order and the ship fired three shots aimed at the Red Palace, Bentino's residence. Two missed but one hit a section of the western wall of the palace, injuring two and turning stone into rubble. The bell being rung and the shots fired from the Yellow Fort and The Revolutionary could be heard by everyone. It was clear that something was now afoot and the mood of the city turned from anxiousness to panic and unrest.

As shots rang out across Kanton Inu, Gennaro Eusto marched towards Ajello Square via Cintornia Avenue with a force numbering at least 2,000. Nico Alonzo and the Revolutionaries numbered only 650. Yet the artillery battery in the Yellow Fort proved immensely helpful. As Gennaro Eusto prepared to open fire upon the Revolutionaries at Ajello square, the two cannons on the Yellow Fort fired at Cintornia Avenue upon the Republicans (for now, Republicans shall be used to describe supporters or soldiers of Bentino). After two volleys spanning a minute, more than fifty had been killed and many more injured. The advance to Ajello Square had been halted. At the same time, Gennaro had also ordered two small sail ships to advance towards The Revolutionary and upon fire upon the vessel. Yet before they could even aim their cannons, Ottaviano fired a hail of gunfire which ripped through the two small ships, sinking them instantly and killing most of the crew. For now, at least until the Republicans could put their own cruisers on the waters, the sea was in the control of the Revolutionaries.

The bombardment of Cintornia Avenue continued for an unrelenting five minutes and many Republicans were killed. At 7:24, Gennaro ordered the retreat back to the barracks of Kanton Inu. The first engagement had been won by the Revolutionaries. The people were now taking to the streets, trying to understand what was going on and those who did understand began rioting and forcing back Republican soldiers. Bentino's trip to the House of Parliament was cancelled and he cooped himself up at the Red Palace. Nico Alonzo's 650 men at Ajello Square set up barricades and fired upon Republican soldiers trying to cross a nearby road. In response, some Republicans fired back from the windows of their houses, injuring and killing some Revolutionaries. The Revolutionaries were still winning the battle.

At 9:00 AM, after a tense silence broken only by the occasional exchange of gunfire between the Revolutionaries in Ajello Square and Republican soldiers, Gennaro made his next move. Taking command of a troop of cavalry that numbered 200, Gennaro planned a pincer attack on the Revolutionaries at Ajello Square with his cavalry and force of 1,000 infantry that would attack from the other flank. Gathering his forces at the barracks, Gennaro departed at around 9:30 AM. As he marches, the Republicans are constantly pelted with stones and excrement by people now loyal to the Revolutionaries, dampening morale. Desertions among the Republican forces begin. For now, however, a large part of the city is still in confusion as to what exactly is going on. Some had even begun to proclaim an attack by Sastaville. At around 10:00, the Republicans also manned two large cruisers, capable of rivalling The Revolutionary, and leave port in an attempt to dislodge Ottaviano from his anchored position.

At around 10:30, Gennaro's pincer attack begins to fall apart. The Revolutionaries blocked the entrances to Ajello square with makeshift wooden barricades, preventing a cavalry charge from the left. They were also still supported by the artillery battery at the Yellow Fort which fired down upon the infantry fore attacking from the right. By 11:00, this infantry brigade is swarmed by a crowd of people who have joined the side of the Revolutionaries and completely destroyed, forcing Gennaro to retreat back to the barracks of the city. The second major land engagement is won by the Revolutionaries. Meanwhile, at sea, the two Republican cruisers fire at The Revolutionary but make little damage. Ottaviano fires back and sinks one of them. The other cruiser turns back in retreat but its rear is pierced by gunfire from Ottaviano's cruiser and it sinks too.

By 12:00, Gennaro was aware of the declining situation and decided that going on the offensive was no longer possible and barricaded himself and his forces within the area surrounding the barracks of the city, essentially surrendering a large part of Kanton Inu to the Revolutionaries. However, he also lays instructions to the men within the Red Palace, ordering them to man the cannons and fire upon Ajello Square and the Yellow Fort. The Republicans in the palace do just that, firing at the Revolutionaries from the towers of the palace, killing many and destroying one cannon in the Yellow Fort. This sudden change of fortune buoyed Republican morale and Gennaro set up a defensive position within the area surrounding the Barracks, which he barricaded and blocked off from the rest of the city.

At 1:00 PM, a large crowd of people had gathered near Ajello Square and they began marching towards the Red Palace, chanting 'Cai yl Omi yal Palazti Viro!' (down with the man in the Red Palace). At around 2:30 PM, a group of revolutionaries stormed the north port, where the Republican ships were docked. Gunfire was exchanged and many Revolutionaries lost their lives but by 4:00 PM, the north port and all its ships had been seized by the Revolutionaries. The Red Palace and the city barracks now remained the last strongholds of the Republicans. Bentino, realising the desperate situation that he was in, considered beginning negotiations, but decided not to after much insistence against it by his cabinet members. His men continued to fire upon Ajello Square and the Yellow Fort, killing many Revolutionaries and injuring hundreds more. At 4:20 PM the first major casualty of the battle occurred. A cannon shot from the Red Palace landed onto the main tower of the Yellow Fort, which after sustaining so many other shots, finally buckled under the pressure and collapsed. Battista Vasco was in the tower observing the damages when the cannon shot fell caused its collapse and the ensuing rubble killed him instantly. The last cannon on the Yellow Fort was also destroyed along with the tower, rendering the Revolutionary position at the Yellow Fort useless.

At 5:00 PM, Gennaro and a troop of cavalry charged a crowd of Revolutionaries trying to enter into the area that the Republicans were trying to barricade. The charge was successful and routed the Revolutionaries, who fled back to Ajello Square. At 5:30 PM, however, The Revolutionary fired two shots towards the barracks. Both hit destroying large parts of the building and killing many. Gennaro retreated back to the barricaded area. By 6:00 PM, it was clear that the Revolutionaries were going to win the fight. After nearly eight hours of resistance, the forces at Ajello Square left the area in order to attack the barracks. Well organised and well-equipped, these soldiers easily fought back against Genarro's Republicans. At 6:20 PM they breached one of the barricades and stormed the barracks. Genarro, who had retreated to his quarters in the building, locked himself in his room and shot himself in the temple before the Revolutionaries could knock down the door. The soldiers serving under Genarro surrendered to the Revolutionary forces and by 7:00 PM the barracks and most of Kanton Inu were under the control of Nico Alonzo. The House of Parliament, where members of the legislative assembly had gathered to vote on a new law, was also promptly seized by revolutionaries. The members of parliament were forced out of the building but were spared from any further violence. At 7:30 PM, Bentino opened negotiations with the Revolutionaries. After around three hours of talking between Nico and Bentino and Nico and Ottaviano, who had since docked The Revolutionary at port, they finally settled on an agreement. Bentino and his cabinet would be forced into exile and the Third Republic would be officially abolished. No further terms were negotiated. The Revolution was successful.

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