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LodgedFromMessages
Paseo

| ANGELIQUE BANZA ; DEMANDING & ENFORCING - Part I

15th of April, 1967

| As promised in February, the First Representative, Angelique Banza, has presented the reforms and bills that have been now proposed and passed in the National Congress, with much heated arguments surrounding, the first part of the reforms that her Ministers were tasked with creating. The reforms created and passed have been made out of urgency for the most immediate problems and for creating long-term positive effects. |

Ministry of Cultural Progress & Innovation - MARGOT OKOMBI;

    - FIRST BUYERS SCHEME, which will push the people into purchasing new technological products like Television Sets, Cars, Fridges ect, with the government paying 10% for any first purchase.

    - NEW ARTS INSTITUTE, which will open up in the capital city, and aim to establish new artists of Zaire, giving proper funding and ability to be seen in the fields of art, music, theatre, film, sculpture.

    - ZAIREAN ARTIST INSTITUTE, which will work with established and establishing record companies, agencies and art schools to fund, establish, and promote new artists from Zaire.

    - FILM & THEATRE FUND, which will seek to push Zairean television & film industries further.

    - AFRICAN ART, FILM & MUSIC AWARDS FESTIVAL, which will seek to award and promote the biggest rising starts of the Art, Film, Music and Theatre Industry in Africa.

Ministry of National Industries - PHILIPE BOGUNDO;

    - SHAREHOLDERS ENFORCEMENT ACT, will be implemented across all national companies and industries in Zaire, giving employees a bigger profit share.

    - INTERNATIONAL EASING ACT, will be aimed at making Zairean National Companies and Industries have an easier time accessing foreign markets with its products.

    - REFINERY INDUSTRY ESTABLISHMENT, will be established officially to conduct refinement of Zairean natural resources in the country for export and internal use, in order to make the Zairean economy growth faster and make Zaire an even bigger attraction for business.

    - COOPERATION ACT, will allow Zairean National Resources Companies to work and enter partnerships with foreign companies and entities.

    - PRODUCTIVITY RAISE PROGRAM, will see a new system of reward implemented across National Companies whereas the higher productivity of the workers, the higher their wage on the basis of the team completing set goals in time, and in larger quantities, with the rise ranging from 2% to 15%.

Ministry of Economics & Public Finances - FABIAN NIGOYE;

    - CORPORATE TAX REFORM, which shall see a change to the tax system in Zaire for businesses, in order to make business operating much more profitable in the country;

    0 - 20,000 ; 6%
    20,000 - 50,000 ; 12%
    50,000 - 100,000 ; 21%
    +100,000 ; 32%

    - NATIONAL MINIMUM WAGE, will be introduced as to enforce businesses to adhere to the Workers Constitution established ten years prior, and to give the people the minimum base line of pay.

    - EXPANSION OF INDUSTRY IN EAST & SOUTH, will begin as part of Nigoyes Plan, with heavy and light industry, including much of the refinery business, starting to be established in the South and East of Zaire, with foreign companies and investments being transferred to those areas with funds and schemes of support created, along with domestic companies.

    - EXTRACTION & DISCOVERY FUND, will start with domestic companies & foreign companies that are partnered up with domestic companies having the ability to gain funds for search, discovery and eventual extraction of gas and oil that are said to be at the coast of Zaire and within the far-East of Zaire.

Ministry of Education - GERARD MJINGO;

    - FREE UNIVERSITY PROGRAM, which shall introduce free University Education across the country.

    - ESTABLISHMENT OF SPECIALICITY UNIVERSITIES, which shall see the establishment of six new universities by 1970 in Zaire, which shall be specialising in Economics, African Relations, International Relations, Healthcare, Zairean History & Engineering.

    - REFURBISHMENT OF CAREER SCHOOLS, which will see a nationwide program of refurbishing and modernising all career schools across the country.

    - SCHOOL FOR ALL PROGRAM, which shall aim at providing free transport for all students under the age of 19 to schools, and provide vehicles needed for students even from the most remote villages to be covered under the scheme.

    - FREE MEAL PROGRAM, which shall introduce free meals in all Nurseries, Primary Schools and High Schools for children to at least have one hot free meal a day.

    - FAITH TEACHING REFORM, Faith shall be removed from the official School Program, instead pushing faith teaching back to Church Institutions and out of the School System.

    - TEACHERS PAY RISE, which shall aim at raising the teachers wage by 6% next year.

Ministry of Healthcare - EMMANUELA GABONDO;

    - NURSES & DOCTORS PAY INITATIVE, which shall aim at raising the wages of Doctors and Nurses in Zaire by 12% this year, followed by consequent but lowered raises for the next two years.

    - IMMEDIATE REACTION CLINICS, which will be established around the country for quick discovery and response to Malaria and other problematic diseases. They will also act as vaccination centres all year round, for new-borns and for any new discovered vaccines and illnesses.

    - MODERNISATION ACT, which will aim to modernise all health clinics and hospitals around the country with new equipment, look and training - with the best new medical equipment to be present in each hospital.

    - MODERN HOSPITAL PROGRAM, this program will aim at creating ten new hospitals around the country, four of which will be specialising at Cancer Treatment, Child-Health Treatment, Women Health Treatment and Mental Illness Treatment.

    - LABORATORIES FUNDING SCHEME, which will aim at larger funds entering Laboratories around the country, both private and public, in order to make their work more efficient and quicker.

    - DENTISTRY & OPTICAL HELP PROGRAM, which shall cover all those below the age of 18 and those above the age of 70, and give them free medical treatment in those fields. Those between 18 and 70, will be entitled to one free Optician Care a year, and two dentist appointments a year.

    - QUICK RESPONSE & EMERGENCY LABORATORIES will be established in each province of Zaire, in order to carry out operations of discovering, dealing and treating new illnesses that could potentially harm the general population. The QREL's, will be funded fully by the government and foreign scientists from Britain, France, West Germany, India, USA, USSR, Yugoslavia, Japan & Benelux will be invited to participate.

    - SAFE ABORITION ACT, will be implemented across the country with every hospital and clinic being directed to offer free and safe abortion up to 18th week, for any woman who's life is endangered, their child's life is endangered, the pregnancy has been created through the use of force or is unwanted.

| The sheer amount of reformation that is taking place, has put the media into a frenzy of debate, no less than the debate that has happened in the National Congress. Many are now starting to attack the First Representative, Angelique Banza, for leading the sessions and the voting process with harsh direction and almost authoritarian like mindset, not allowing for many questions to be asked, for attacking the opposition and for ignoring their opinions and ideas. The leader of the opposition, ANDRE NEZINGO, stated that "...lack of respect for the institution of democracy, disregard for any other opinion and disgraceful way of pushing through anything she desires...a leader should not act like that, someone that is supposed to be our democratic figurehead acts like a hard-lined authoritarian that one can see pop up every two seconds all around Africa..."

However, the general public so far is reacting with positivity towards the First Representative, with a large crowd gathering recently in East-Zaire at one of the factories to greet Miss Angelique Banza. The media, and the political class is outright attacking the First Representative for her style of rule, but she herself has much to say on that front, stating "...I do not care whether those around me like me...I am not here to be liked, I am here to make a real change for us all, and so far I can with confidence say, I am doing just that...yes, I am demanding, and yes I do not have time for nonsense, but if that means that good and effective reforms and programs can be put into action, then so be it...I'd rather act immediately and with intent than to mumble on for weeks about a single penny spent..."

It is speculated that the next part of the WAVE OF REFORMS is to occur on the other end of April, with the rest of the Ministries bringing forth their demanded changes, programs and reforms. What is clear so far, however, is that the First Representative ANGELIQUE BANZA is painting herself as a doer, not a talker. |

The Empire of Svalandia

Merry Christmas!

Crazybloxian empire, Nileia, New Provenance, and Bobertzimburg

Crazybloxian empire

Merry Christmas! Decided to log in again for nostalgia. I'm still alive!



The Congolese Republic of OsivoIII

|7th of May, 1967 - 7 mai 1967|

        RSC ★ REVOLUTIONARY STATE OF CAMEROON
        ÉTAT RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE DU CAMEROUN ★ ÉRC|

Spain-

RBA-AS COMMENCES OPERATION LION STRIKE:
FAR EASTERN RIO MUNI COMES UNDER THE FIRE OF GUERRILLA REVOLUTIONARY FERVOR!
ANR-SA COMMENCÉ LES OPÉRATIONS LA GRÈVE DU LION :
L'EXTREME ORIENT DE RIO MUNI EST SOUS LE FEU DE LA FERVEUR RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE DE LA GUÉRILLA !

”For as long as the Imperialists remain in Africa, they will not know of peace! - Tant que les impérialistes resteront en Afrique, ils ne connaîtront pas la paix !” - Commander Noir Lumière; Head of the RBA-AS

| The dense vegetation of eastern Rio Muni did nothing but aid the young revolutionaries of the Revolutionary Black Army of African Salvation as they marched towards the border of Spanish rule. 1,000 men armed with small arms and improvised explosives ready to take on Colonial troops and a western army would chant songs of their people until silence would be ordered over the radio as they reached the border zone. The force would be split into cadres of 100 men

Capture of this border town will provide more ports of entry for supply to reach the Guerrillas and force the spreading of Spanish forces across the rural rio muni with little infrastructure to provide the Spanish opportunities to utilize their superior technology. Small poorly maintained roadways and dense forest canopies providing cover from airstrikes and road blocks for modern armor allowing the guerrillas to run circles around occupation forces should confrontation come.

Cadres would begin to attempt to push into interior villages surrounding the border town Ebebiyin. Using their small unit size of 100 men the units would move through the dense brush instead of entering near border crossings to limit contact before the engagement of the main force in Ebebiyin. |

- Perimeter Units targets and objectives -

| The 4 units leaving from Ebengon would total 400 men armed with small arms (Mas-49&36,AA-52, and Mat-49s) and anti-armor weapons (Bazookas, Molotov Cocktails, and Improvised explosives) for transportation the Force would rely on donkeys to transport heavier supplies alongside the fighters holding their own gear. The remaining 600 men near the border would not advance until the 4 units were able to set up positions in the perimeter villages or engaged in Spanish forces there to ensure Ebebiyin would be left stranded and all Spanish support would need to go through the perimeter and be heavily harassed or destroyed as it tried to make its way to Ebebiyin. The RBA-AS were ordered to prevent any civilian casualties by their own hands against the African population to garner support and possibly more recruits in the future for the cause. Each unit had a number of fighters fluent in the local language and in Spanish to communicate with villagers and or capture Spanish soldiers. Once inside the villages the units would try their best to blend in with civilian populations until Spanish forces were close enough to engage. Many soldiers wondered if Spanish forces would even be able to make it to the far corner of the colony with its armor due to the abysmal transportation network of the colony.

- Perimeter villages to be targeted

• Maboe [5.35 miles from Ebengon and .42 miles into Spanish colonial territory]
• Alum [8 miles from Ebengon and 4.07 miles into Spanish colonial territory]
• Ndumo [12.31 miles from Ebengon and 7.69 miles into Spanish colonial territory]
• Ecuon [13.05 miles from Ebengon and 6.09 miles into Spanish colonial territory]

- The Main force -

| As the perimeter units attempted to bypass Spanish occupation forces using the dense vegetation of far eastern Rio Muni and with the assumption of light patrols in this region of the country due to lack of resources, lack of manpower, and remoteness. The main force of 600 fighters would prepare for a blitz across the farmlands  to the north west of the city and striking Spanish occupation forces, hopefully catching them unprepared due to tensions happening in the far west near the coast by the RCPA drawing more attention. The 6 units of 100 men would be armed like their comrades in the perimeter units and would be stationing themselves only 2 days before the go signal would be made by the perimeter units confirming their positions to trap any Spanish forces that would be in Ebebiyin. The units would be ordered to light no fires to ensure possible border patrols would not be able to identify the presence of unknown forces near the border. The main force would position themselves 1 mile away from the border until the orders to move in were made. |

      PEACE — WORK — FATHERLAND!

      PAIX — TRAVAIL — PATRIE!

The United Kingdom of Hollunde

    | Ergens, ergens niet zo ver weg, in Wallonië...
    8 MEI 1967, WOENSDAG

        // THE UNITED KINGDOM OF BENELUX
        VERENIGD KONINRIJK VAN DE BENELUX
        ROYAUME-UNI DE BENELUX //

      ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤWallonia, a region marked by turbulence, division, and tumult, has borne witness to a protracted era of instability since the fervour of Rattachisme swiftly engulfed its political landscape. This conflagration posed a grave menace to the very bedrock upon which the Benelux alliance had laid its enduring foundation. The Francophone denizens of Benelux turned in vehement opposition to the predominant Dutch-led governance, initiating not only a linguistic war against the Dutch tongue but also a crusade against the entrenched Dutchocentrism that had proliferated since the inception of the nation in the year 1947.
      
      Behind the tempest that has seized Wallonia in its tumultuous grip stands a solitary name—Jacques Rouzet. Hailing from the modest town of Beauvechain, born into the embrace of financial poverty, Rouzet emerged from adolescence as an unremarkable youth. His days were spent in the pursuit of education until the age of seventeen, when he seamlessly transitioned into the role of a grocer alongside his father, embarking upon the path of an unassuming existence as the third child of the Rouzet household.
      
      It was during his formative years in high school that Rouzet's dormant political ardour was roused. An ordinary teenager awakened to the disparity between his linguistic heritage and the scholastic landscape, he found himself grappling with a curriculum predominantly delivered in Dutch—a stark incongruity in a city resounding with the cadence of the French language. This dissonance, as Rouzet often attests, served as the catalyst for his profound entry into the realm of politics.
      
      Subsequently, the relentless imposition of the Dutch language cast a deeper shadow over the sensibilities of young Jacques, culminating in a poignant incident when his hometown, formerly Beauvechain, underwent a controversial renaming, settling into its present Dutch nomenclature, Bevekom. While many acquiesced in apathy to this linguistic transformation, Jacques found himself profoundly disquieted by the relentless erosion of his cultural identity and the transformation of his birthplace. Upon reaching the threshold of twenty, Jacques embarked on his maiden sojourn beyond the confines of Wallonia, venturing into the Dutch-speaking realm, specifically the city of Antwerp.
      
      This expedition laid bare a stark contrast in wealth and progress compared to the de facto capital of his homeland, Charleroi. The Antwerpers not only ate better and dressed better, but also revelled in the abundance of advanced infrastructure. Charleroi, bereft even of a rudimentary library at that juncture, languished in clear inferiority vis-à-vis the more prosperous and developed Antwerp. The glaring asymmetry between these two cities, etched indelibly in Jacques's consciousness, impelled him to establish the Union pour la Liberté (UpL) immediately upon his return to Wallonia.
      
      Under the charismatic leadership of Rouzet, Wallonia now simmers with the vehemence for liberty. Streets once bustling and teeming with life in Charleroi and Namur have metamorphosed into tense thoroughfares, where a conspicuous police presence attests to the palpable apprehension of an impending and inevitable uprising. While the labyrinthine alleys of the major Wallonian cities and towns are routinely patrolled by law enforcement, underground factions persist in their clandestine machinations against the hegemony of the Dutch-dominant government, steadfast in their pursuit of what they term as absolute freedom.
      
      The Rattachists harbour a singular aspiration—to forge a union with France. Yet, dissenting voices, such as Uldric de Vartens, within the underground fabric criticise this stance, staunchly advocating for Wallonia's inherent right to exist as an autonomous and independent entity. As sombre clouds cast their shadows over the Beneluxish landscape, an undercurrent of instability gathers momentum, imperilling the delicate tapestry of a union that, from its inception, appears fated for its approaching demise.

The Vth French Republic of Metropolitan Francais

        RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
        
        FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 
        
        PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE

      ______

      THE ÉLYSÉE PALACE: PARLIAMENTARY DISCOURSE FORCES DE GAULLE TO RULE BY DECREE FOR THE GOOD OF FRANCE
      VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, MAY 1967

    | HELM OF DÈMOCRATIE, PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE - | President Charles de Gaulle, seated stiffly at his elaborate Louis XV desk in the Élysée Palace, occasionally reaches out to turn on a loudspeaker known as "le perroquet", or "the parrot", which allows him to hear discussions in the National Assembly. The parrot has been acting strangely lately, yelling, banging on the desktop, and using profanity. In one awkward incident, this resulted in a sword fight between two enraged deputies. The voices emanating from the box have made it painfully evident to De Gaulle that the Assembly, which was happily rubber-stamping legislation, is now capable of talking back and exhibiting recalcitrance due to the simple plurality that the Gaullists secured in the March parliamentary elections.

    President Charles de Gaulle clearly does not want any of that. He worries that the chaotic National Assembly may take months to approve vital economic legislation that is set to be presented to MPs, providing the opposition with endless opportunities to gain ground. Premier Georges Pompidou informed a select group of Deputies last week that the Assembly would have to ratify government-by-decree for the ensuing half-year. Since taking office in 1958, De Gaulle has utilized extraordinary powers to rule briefly by decree, a tactic frequently employed by French governments to force unpopular policies down the throats of lawmakers. This time, he's called for a shortcut because De Gaulle's legislation includes an opt-out for France in the EEC's planned common visa and international customs program. Further legislation also includes provisions for worker profit-sharing together with measures to encourage mergers and tighten up industry in order to remain even more competitive on the global market. As important as these economic reforms are, the Gaullist intend to force the centrist political groups sandwiched between the Gaullists led French Social Party (PSF) and the leftist led by the Socialist Party in the National Assembly either to make common cause with the Gaullists, or take the blame for defeating the government bill and thus risk new elections while possibly causing a stagnation in the French economy.

    Whatever the coming showdown in the Assembly may bring, President De Gaulle still has an ace up his sleeve when it comes to the remaining large number of Gaullist supporters that make up France's population. This is coupled with De Gaulle's support from the Roman Catholic Church in France which views the French Social Party's integralist platform as both highly beneficial to the church and the state. De Gaulle can point to the state of France's rapidly growing economy and status on the global level as further evidence to prove his party's policies are working for France. |

      ______

        VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
        
        VIVE LA FRANCE!
        
        VIVE L’EMPIRE!

The Slave State of Ma-li

The March of the Duvalierist Revolution

Up to 1967

Glory be to François Papa Doc Duvalier, the Physical Embodiment of the Island of Hispaniola, One with Iwa spirits of Voodoo, One with Jesus Christ, and One with God. Immortal and Immaterial being, and the Haitian flag. As is stated in the national prayer, as prescribed by the Lord God himself:

“Our Doc, who art in the National Palace for Life, hallowed be Thy name by present and future generations. They will be done in Port-au-Prince as it is in the provinces. Give us this day our new Haiti and forgive not the trespasses of those antipatriots who daily spit on our country; lead them into temptation, and, poisoned by their venom, deliver them from no evil ...'”

The Duvalierist Revolution proved inevitable as in the 1957 Presidential Elections, Papa Doc swept away the rule of the Mulatto minority elites, their corrupt pawn Louis Déjoie a mulatto industrialist, and landowner was swept from power by the thundering feet of the Afro-Haitian Revolution.

Soon after, the perfidious traitors in the army proved their disloyalty to Duvalier, an American-backed plot of 3 Haitian Officers, and 5 American warmongering mercenaries landed and attempted to overthrow Papa Doc. Our great leader would replace the entire army with loyal, and patriotic protectors of the Duvalierist Revolution. To further protect the nation, the Tonton Macoute would be established as boogeymen to terrorize and destroy traitors to the revolution.

In 1959, the Dear Leader suffered a heart attack, but through his sheer powers, and connection to the spirit world; he would push through. Rebels once again tried to supplant the revolution and betray the divinity of Duvalier. As was just they were burned in the acid of their betrayal, and as their bodies dissolved, hopefully, their sins could be dissolved as well. It is said in a show of power, the Dear Leader had rebels' heads packed with ice so he could commune and channel their spirits through him. Nonetheless, the ring leader of the revolution Clément Barbot managed to transform himself into a black dog before disappearing into the streets of Port-au-Prince. In his immense wisdom and power, Papa Doc commanded all black dogs put to death, to destroy the spirit of Barbot forever.

America too proved traitorous, the tyrant Kennedy turned his back on Haiti. Before a gathered crowd of Vodun priests, Papa Doc placed a death curse upon Kennedy. Later in 1963, the tyrant was assassinated, in a dazzling display of our Dear Leader’s power. To celebrate a victory over the American tyrant, the traitorous communists, and power-hungry rebels, Papa Doc declared himself President For Life. May our Dear Leader, Who is One With the Lord God and the Iwa Spirits, forever reign for the rest of time!

The Yemen Arab Republic of Mutawakkiliti

Al-Hazem Cars and a New Government Contract
ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ

    Sanaa, Yemen Arab Republic
    May 1966

Rifaat al-Hazem obtained a contract to supply 40 trucks to the Ministry of Security, and as an agent for the Slovenian Larus Trucks Company in Yemen, Al Hazem Car Agency will ask them to prepare and send trucks for the purpose of firefighting, in order to be a fleet of trucks for the Yemeni Civil Defense Department, as the Ministry of Security seeks to establish this department, which will serve in the Port of Al-Hudaydah. And Yemeni airports, and there will be fire stations in cities and villages.

During the quarterly meeting of the branch directors of Al-Hazem Car Agency and the owner of the company at the company's main headquarters in Sanaa, Rifaat al-Hazem, the Sudan branch director presented a proposal sent by the sales managers in Sudan, which was to start selling Toyota cars, the Japanese cars began to appear in Sudan after the opening of Toyota new factory, and Al-Hazem confirmed that he would study This proposal.

Post by The southern states of the americas suppressed by a moderator.

The Congolese Republic of OsivoIII

|18th of May, 1967 - 18 Mai 1967|

        RSC ★ REVOLUTIONARY STATE OF CAMEROON
        ÉTAT RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE DU CAMEROUN ★ ÉRC|

THE NEW CAMEROONIAN MAN/WOMEN:
THE SECOND CONGRESS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE'S SECURITY COUNCIL ESTABLISHED THE CULTURAL AND POLITICAL GOALS OF THE OUANDIÉ-MEKA REGIME!
LE NOUVEAU HOMME/FEMME CAMEROUNAIS :
LE DEUXIÈME CONGRÈS DU CONSEIL RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE DE SÉCURITÉ POPULAIRE A ÉTABLI LES OBJECTIFS CULTURELS ET POLITIQUES DU RÉGIME DE OUANDIÉ-MEKA !

”The people ask me, Mr.Ouandié, does democracy come now? I must tell them ‘No! No! My brothers and sisters!’ As you can not have democracy without the people being educated, safe, and liberated! Our people are not yet educated, safe or liberated. We stay under the shackles of our past, that is the goal of our revolution: educate our brothers and sisters, secure our nation, and liberate our people abroad!” - Director of the Nation, Ernest Ouandié, Addressing the RPSC at the 2nd Congress of the RPSC

| Outcome of the Second Congress of the Revolutionary People’s Security Council - Résultats du deuxième congrès du Conseil révolutionnaire de sécurité du peuple |

• Approval for the New Cameroonian Man/Women Campaign.
• Defining and Implementation of the new state sponsored ideology: Libérationnisme
• Council agrees to open up the country to foreign aid to assist in the New Cameroonian Man/Women Campaign

| Ouandié was a studied man, from his time in university and teaching during colonial times before his time as a guerrilla. Now he finds himself not teaching a classroom of 50 children, but instead a nation of 6 million. At the Second Congress of the Revolutionary People’s Security Council Director Ouandié would approve the resources for the New Cameroonian Man/Women Campaign that would last indefinitely until Ouandié is satisfied with the results. |

| Primary Goals of the New Cameroonian Man/Women Campaign - Objectifs principaux de la nouvelle campagne Homme/Femme camerounaise |

• Construction of Literacy Centers for Adults (French Language) across rural Cameroon.
• Recruitment drives for the Revolutionary Cameroonian People’s Army and Revolutionary State Militia.
• Construction of five State Universities in the cities of: Yaoundé, Douala, Bafoussam, Ngaoundere, and Maroua.
• Construction of checkpoints along major and minor transport corridors to be manned by detachments of the Revolutionary State Militia to crack down on banditry and rural crime.
• Promotion of women entering the workforce in urban and rural communities.
• Construction of Government run Medical Clinics in rural Cameroon.
• Construction of Voluntary Political Education Centers to teach the newly implemented state ideology.

| Goals of Libérationnisme - Objectifs du Libérationnisme |

• Equality between all ethnic groups.
• Equality across gender.
• Strong Catholic values.
• Redistribution of Productive Private Property to educated citizens.
• Subsidies towards small businesses.
• Taxation of excessive property ownership.
• Nationalization of key industries.
• Building up a Social Market Economy.
• Assisting the populace in the ownership of private productive property.
• Creation of a Profession Guild System to promote  moral standards of professional conduct and economic equality among members of a guild.
• Creation of worker unions to ensure adequate pay and safety standards for the workers of the nation.
• Abolishment of Private Banking.
• Favoring Mutual Banking Institutions.
• Creation of the National People’s Bank of Cameroon alongside civilian made Mutual Banking Institutions.
• Creation of a Social Safety Net.
• Decolonization of Africa.

| The ideology would be codified and defined in Ouandié’s novel “The Guide to Liberation (Le guide de la libération)” and with the second Congress would become necessary reading for all members of the RPSC and each member would be required to have one on their person at all times. The Voluntary Political Education Centers would be stocked with pamphlets and the novel and would be where the future recipients of the redistribution act can be educated properly to ensure adequate management. Schools would also be required to teach material from the book and libraries are now mandated to have no less than 20 copies of the novel. Meka was listed as a co-author of the novel and it was noted that contributions were made by the whole of the current RPSC. Can Libérationnisme truly shape the Cameroonian people and nation for the better?|

| Countries the Revolutionary State of Cameroon would seek aid from to fund humanitarian projects to advance the nation - Pays auprès desquels l’État révolutionnaire du Cameroun chercherait de l’aide pour financer des projets humanitaires visant à faire progresser la nation |

• The United States
• The French Republic
• The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
• Yugoslavia
• The United Kingdom
• Canada
• The People’s Republic of China
• Japan
• Eastern Bloc nations
• Australia

      PEACE — WORK — FATHERLAND!

      PAIX — TRAVAIL — PATRIE!



The State of Nippon-Nihon

      SHŌWA 42 | MAY 1967

        ボーイング727に搭乗
        BOARDING THE BOEING 727

      A M E R I K A   E   Y Ō K O S O  

         オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 
        
        O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

    HANEDA AIRPORT — AFTERNOON
    TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon

    | At 88, Japan’s ex-premier SHIGERU YOSHIDA rarely leaves home, he prefers to stay at home eating rice, vegetables, and fish and sometimes glimpse his garden, but recently SATO’s men have disturbed his quiet life, asking him to go to Washington. When he served as Prime Minister, YOSHIDA was quite popular among Americans as a leader with pro-Western ideals. YOSHIDA accepted the job. Of course, the entire trip would be financed by the government, including hotel expenses, YOSHIDA would only take a teapot and a few cups from home, to teach President LYNDON JOHNSON the tricks of making good Japanese tea. As he had been away from the political scene for a long time, everyone was shocked by his return, including the Japanese journalists who crowded the sidewalk at Tokyo airport when YOSHIDA’s car arrived. |

    | During his government, Japan began to rebuild lost industrial infrastructure and value unbridled economic growth, in addition to signing the Treaty of San Francisco. After his resignation in ‘54, YOSHIDA remained in the Diet until his retirement in ‘63. |

      | SHIGERU YOSHIDA, Former Prime Minister | “I will bring glory to Japanese-American relations.”

        私は日米関係に栄光をもたらします。

    | When the news of YOSHIDA’s return reached the ears of the opposition, some remained silent, but others made noise showing that they were against YOSHIDA’s trip to the U.S., but the Liberal Democrats, which hold the majority, decided to ignore the loud noises. For the government’s opponents, YOSHIDA should have stayed at home, as his political experiences are already outdated and Japan’s current foreign policy has changed a lot since his resignation 12 years ago. When Washington learned that YOSHIDA would make an official visit to the United States, everyone in the White House, including President JOHNSON, had a positive reaction. This will be YOSHIDA’s last trip abroad due to his poor health, but he still shows that he has the energy to carry out this last job. |

The United Kingdom of Hollunde

    | Ergens, ergens niet zo ver weg, in Wallonië...
    11 JUNI 1962, DONDERDAG

        // THE UNITED KINGDOM OF BENELUX
        VERENIGD KONINRIJK VAN DE BENELUX
        ROYAUME-UNI DE BENELUX //

      ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤIn stark contrast to the Flemish regions of the former Belgian nation, where citizens freely embrace their language in daily life, Wallonia finds itself ensnared in the clutches of a more recent governmental campaign, tantamount to linguistic subjugation and further, linguicide. Formerly reserved to the educational sphere and subsequently extending its reach to encompass alterations in place names, the Wallonians now contend not only with the imposition of the Dutch language but also with the gradual erosion of their own linguistic heritage from the very fabric of their native land. When walking down the streets of Charleroi, or taking a stroll in Namur, it is more frequent for one to hear Dutch with a heavy Walloon accent rather than French, a drastic shift when compared to the first years of Benelux as an union state.

        JACQUES ROUZET 20 Y.O., UNIVERSITY STUDENT: Good morning, two buttered croissants please.
          Bonjour, deux croissants beurrés s'il vous plaît.

        PIERRE DE JAGER 54 Y.O., BAKER: Good morning, it will be three guilders.

          Goedemorgen. Het zal drie gulden zijn.

        JACQUES ROUZET 20 Y.O., UNIVERSITY STUDENT: Oh no, I am not a traveller. I am from here. You can speak French.

          Bah non, chuis pas un voyageur. Chuis d'ici. Vous pouvez parler français.

        PIERRE DE JAGER 54 Y.O., BAKER: I know who you are, Jacques. Now, that will be three guilders.

          Ik weet wie je bent, Jacques. Nu, wordt dat drie gulden.

        JACQUES ROUZET 20 Y.O., UNIVERSITY STUDENT: Stop speaking that foreign language with me. We are both Walloon!

          Arrête de parler cette langue étrangère avec moi. Nous sommes tous les deux wallons!

        PIERRE DE JAGER 54 Y.O., BAKER: [sigh] Listen to me, Jacques. You know the state police? They patrol this street every day. If one of them heard me speaking French, I may get a "surprise inspection". I don't want to deal with that. Take your baked goods and leave before you get me in trouble!

          Écoute-moi, Jacques. Vous connaissez la police d'État ? Ils patrouillent dans cette rue tous les jours. Si l'un d'eux m'entend parler français, je risque d'avoir droit à une "inspection surprise". Je ne veux pas avoir affaire à eux. Prends tes boulangeries et pars avant de me causer des ennuis!

        ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤIn a fit of frustration, Jacques departed from the bakery after purchasing his necessities, disheartened by the realisation that he could no longer freely converse in his native tongue in day-to-day life, courtesy of the prevailing government policies. Now left with an emptiness gnawing at him, the young man traversed the streets of Bevekom under the morning sun's gentle glow, walking slowly back home. Perhaps, he mused, it was time for him to orchestrate efforts before it became too late for the preservation of his home region.

The Democratic Republic Of Sudan of Nileia

١٩٦٧, Mayu — May, 1967 

Provincial Justice Compound, Administration District, Dongola, Province of Dongola (Mukata’et Danagla)

    The Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان

      1967 ELECTIONS — THE RISE OF ARAB NATIONALISM AND THE LOOMING IDENTITY EXISTENTIAL CRISIS

“Only those with a father or mother of Sudanese origin or was naturally born on Sudanese soil regardless of background are granted Sudanese citizenship and its benefits.”

    — Constitution of the Republic of Sudan, Article Seven: The Rights of the Citizen, Section Five.

Article Seven, Section Five of the Sudanese Constitution was written by the attendees of the 1959 El-Fula Convention in Kordofan, with the primary goal of sticking a much more precise definition to what determines the identity of the Sudanese people, and their role of existence within the sovereign border of the Sudanese Republic. Much of the First and Seventh Articles of this constitution were aimed at the identity and rights of citizens, who those respective rights applied to, and how they can be applied. This was made with the founders envisioning an existential identity crisis transpiring in the future, after all the constitutional convention followed two years after far-right insurgents had hijacked the El-Daein Locality in Darfur, where they had then planned to begin a race war against Sudan’s foreign migrant citizens, most of which were targeted attacks against Jews, Europeans, Asians, and any moderate Arab or African Sudanese that didn’t align with the cause of the Confluence Nationlists, or worse, aligned with the western principles of The Commonwealth and the British Monarchy.

The constitution had effectively put race, religion, and linguistics out of the question for what it had meant to be a citizen of Sudan, it had decided that only through our shared connections to the soil, through our shared duty to our fellow man and the betterment of the Republic and her community shall we then be considered a patriotic member of society, a son and daughter of Azah. Yet 8 years later, the national cohesion and unity of the Republic is threatened by the resurging waves of Arab Nationalist ideology, that is sweeping this corner of the planet like a tidal wave. Sudan is now under the guidance of President Benjamin Lwoki, who himself is running in the 1967 elections. Lowki is Africa’s leading figure of Pan-Africanism and the decolonization movement… to an extent, but he has also made history by being the country’s first native head of state that is both a Catholic and a non-Arab. Despite Lwoki’s solidarity with the Arab Nationalist cause, he had nevertheless found himself at constant odds with the Arab Nationalist opposition groups within Sudan’s Parliament, and amidst the various Local and Provincial Governments. This also meant the President struggled to balance Sudanese diplomatic interests with the more Arab nationalist-oriented governments and nations that neighbor Sudan. This division between Lwoki’s government and the grown Arab nationalist opposition is set to determine much of how a new government would operate following the results of the 1967 elections.

The Arab Nationalists are currently led by Babiker Awadallah and the National Homeland Party (NHP), who had just celebrated a victory outside Dongola’s Provincial Court at the Justice Compound. This celebration had come after the Court had thrown out a vital case about hate speech, where it had determined the NHP was in fact, not guilty of instilling racially motivated division and or violence in the community. This decision of course was not a surprise to the Town or Province of Dongola, where the majority of the population demographic tilts to the Arab side, with a notably large minority of Nubians. After all, there are no non-Arab groups such as Jews and Europeans in the Northern Provinces, for Awadallah to be accused of inciting violence against. In addition, much of the NHP’s rhetoric was directed at the ongoing colonialism of Palestine Algeria, and other African and Arab nations still under occupation by European nations. Though Awadallah attempted to induce outrage against what he deemed as colonial governments, he still caused some outbursts of violence and hate speech rhetoric against the country’s non-Arab communities. Of course, thanks to Lwoki’s solidarity with the Arabs, Africans and Pan-African supporters had managed to stay under the radar of the growing Arab Nationalists. This however was not an example of peace between the Arab North and African South, it was an evident display of a nation slowly slipping into an identity crisis. In the face of the Decolonial era, Sudan had maintained a united front, but what happens when this demonization of Westerners and foreigners begins to fall, when both sides are forced to confront the inevitable, who does Sudan belong to?

The 1967 elections are set to determine this question. With the Commonwealth Party withdrawn from the political scene, Lwoki and the Liberal’s coalition for Government with the Democratic Unionists, had been hanging in the balance, amidst the shifting geopolitical theater around Sudan. Lwoki had heavily relied on the deep ideological divide amongst the opposition parties to ensure the coalition stayed in power. This was a tactic, after all, used by the former administration of Prime Minister Abdallah Khalil, where many speculated that he had purposely pitted the Communists against the Confluence Nationalists. However, the Arab National Socialists and the Communists seem to get along a lot better when it comes to certain views and policies. This may not mean that they would be willing to unite in a coalition but they could team up to introduce a handful of their policies and implement reforms within Parliament that could derail the Moderate Conservative hold on power. In addition, Lwoki’s DUP Allies had recently been flirting with the Islamist Mahdi Umma Party (MUP), seeing that their conservative and Islamic ideologies were compatible compared to the shared moderate principles of government that the DUP shares with the Liberals, it is entirely possible that this election could either sideline Lwoki and the Party from their position of power or move forward to court the Islamists on his side and whip the coalition into staying with the united front for the progress of the Republic.

———————————————
| AL-NASRU LENA!
AL-NASRU LE SUDAN! |

( Please Vote Here: https://strawpoll.com/3RnYlAXkmye)

The Yemen Arab Republic of Mutawakkiliti

1st Yemen Youth Equestrian Championship
ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ

    Sanaa, Yemen Arab Republic
    May 1966

Within the framework of developing sports in the Yemen Arab Republic, the Ministry of Youth and Sports held the Yemen Equestrian Youth Championship. Most of the participating youth were members of tribes or sons of businessmen, and all of them were members of an equestrian club "Al-Gayad". The competition included the participation of some of the military college’s trainee officers, who were from Cavalry Corps officers, where the officers participated on horses from the Military College, while everyone else participated on their own horses. The Eventing competition was won by Officer Yazid al-Ghassany on the horse “Al-Riyah”, While Zafir al-Jarhoum, one of the sons of the leader of the Nakheb tribe, won the Show jumping competition on the horse “Jazan”, While Laith al-Gazami, one of the sons of the leader of the Bakil tribe, won the dressage competition on the horse “Andalus”, while the competitor Marwan al-Arif who is the son of the engineer Othman al-Arif and a member of the equestrian club "Al-Gayad", appeared with a distinguished performance with his horse “Zorro” during the dressage competition.

Paseo

| WORLDVISION SONG CONTEST; 1967 |

1st of June, 1967

| Beauty, Elegance and Grandness is what describes this year Worldvision Song Contested hosted in FRANCE, in the captivating city of MARSEILLE. With last year victory of FRANCE GALL in New York City, France has become the only country in the history of Worldvision Song Contest to have won twice, the first time with EDITH PIAF in 1954. This time, however, the French organisers have went far and beyond to make the staging and the contest as modern as possible. This year also marks the largest amount of television watchers around the world, with Worldvision Song Contest becoming the most televised and watched event in the history of Television statistics. France has also given us a large amount of guest stars during interval acts such as DALIDA and YVES MONTAND |

    | WORLDVISION RESULTS 1967; |

    1st Place - SUDAN with 129 Points!

    2nd Place - ZAIRE with 125 Points!
    3rd Place - SLOVENIA with 123 Points!
    4th Place - ITALY with 97 Points!
    5th Place - YUGOSLAVIA with 94 Points!

    6th Place - JAPAN with 93 Points!
    7th Place - ROMANIA with 86 Points!
    8th Place - UNITED STATES with 82 Points!
    9th Place - SOUTH AFRICA with 79 Points!
    10th Place - CHINA with 75 Points!

    11th Place - BRAZIL with 74 Points!
    12th Place - BENELUX with 69 Points!
    13th Place - FRANCE with 64 Points!
    14th Place - SPAIN with 55 Points!
    15th Place - IRAN with 42 Points!

    16th Place - INDONESIA with 40 Points!
    17th Place - KOREA with 38 Points!
    18th Place - EAST GERMANY with 29 Points!
    19th Place - ETHIOPIA with 25 Points!
    20th Place - INDIA with 25 Points!

    21st Place - MALAYSIA with 21 Points!
    22nd Place - GREECE with 16 Points!
    23rd Place - SCANDINAVIA with 12 Points!
    24th Place - REPUBLIC OF CHINA with 11 Points!
    25th Place - CANADA with 9 Points!

| The Winner of Worldvision Song Contest is ABDELKARIM AL KABLI with his song HANI ARDON from SUDAN. This is the first time that SUDAN has won the Worldvision Song Contest, and the second time in history that an African state has won the contest. Despite the atmosphere that France has offered, a major scandal has erupted when pictures had been taken of the French mega star YVES MONTAND with the singer representing ROMANIA this year, IRINA LOGHIN, in an uncompromising situation for both parties. Neither Mr Montand nor Mrs Loghin had much to say, and the consequences that await the Romanian representative are unclear. However, headlines have been made with some going as far as saying WORLDVISION UNITES COUNTRIES IN MORE THAN ONE WAY. |

The Korean Kingdom of Rutannia

    1967년 06월 1일
    A New Economic Plan

    The Second Economic Plan

SEOUL, Rutannia

| The first economic plan had been implemented in 1962 when Park had first come to power; his economic minister Chang Myon had announced radical changes with the aim of taking Korea from a developing nation into a developed one, on par with Western nations. Thus far his first five year plan had yielded successful results; in terms of jobs the number of agricultural roles had been on a steady decline as more people move into manufacturing jobs; economically during those five years economic growth had exceeded expectations hitting 7.8%; data also shows that GNP per capita had risen from $83 to $125. Park’s successful re-election in March had allowed Chang to continue his economic plans and announce Korea’s second five-year plan. |

| While Korea had begun to shift itself towards an export focused economy; the economic output of Korea offered a smattering of what the global economy demanded. The aim of the next five years was simple. Make Korea more competitive on the global market. One of the first objectives was compatibility and interchangeability. Korea had to align its standards and regulations to those on the global market in order to meet export requirements. Machine parts had become a slow growing industry, but it was hoped alignment and compatibility with western markets would allow this sector to truly take-off as one of Korea’s strongest exports. |

| Chang announced that it was time for Korea to focus on heavy industries; agreements with Italy that had seen the oil refinery industry take off, was now key as the government announced a particular focus on the steel and petrochemicals industries in order to meet global needs. The petrochemical sector had become increasingly important for Korea in order to produce fertiliser, plastics and chemicals for batteries. Fertiliser demand had remained strong both domestically and for export; while the demand for plastics had been a new phenomenon as Korea’s growing white goods and electronics industry had seen consistent and gradual growth with companies like Samsung diversifying into the sector. Battery chemicals had become a growing need as automotive assembly lines had begun to pop up across major industrial hubs. Kyeongseong Precision Industry, which had recently renamed itself to Kia Industry, planned on developing its own vehicle designs for use domestically and for export. Reluctance from the government to revoke the The Automobile Industry Protection Act which had barred foreign makers from entering the market unless in a joint venture had allowed Korea’s production lines and automotive industry to flourish, now the hope was for Korea to start producing its own homegrown cars rather than building on behalf of others. The steel industry was identified as one with large potentials, the north of the peninsula were high in reserves of both coal and iron, and the quality of which was determined to be varied, but leaning towards high. Chang Myon announced that tax breaks would be awarded to the mining sectors in order to boost production. |

| The key element to the second five-year plan was the announcement of the Korean Reinvestment Scheme, the most ambitious announcement from the plan. The scheme would operate like a dividend-reinvestment. The Government would invest money into various industries, largely ones that were well established in order to further them, and using the money gained from dividends it would further reinvest in Korea’s new and growing industries so they could compete on a global market. The concept is set to be in motion by the end of the year, and it is hoped that by the end of the next five years Korea’s economy would continue its long streak of high growth. Chang Myon has also announced a target of doubling Korea’s GNP per capita to $250 by the end of the five years. |

The Order of the Steel Fire of Krinstad

ive discovered the
The Holy Empire of Kreigsreich of iron, there insane

The Union of South Africa of Canovia

    November 1967
    Nordic-Sudanese Relations

NORDEN RESUMES RELATIONS WITH AFRICA! PM TAGE ERLANDER VISITS PORT SUDAN!

PORTS IN SUDAN
PORT SUDAN, Nileia — TIME OF DAY

Since the foundation of the nation back in the late 1950’s, Prime Minister Einar Gerhardsen knew the importance of establishing relations with Africa early on — although the majority of African nations were still under colonial rule under France, Britain or other European countries. Nonetheless, Einar Gerhardsen took the steps in forming relations with Zaire, even though not physically present on the continent, it began Scandinavia’s interests on the African continent. As more African nations continued to gain their independence from Europe, the interests of the Scandinavian government grew — with Einar Gerhardsen beginning the processes of establishing relations with Buganda and Tanzania. Leaving office before anything could materialize, successor Tage Erlander would continue to pursue formidable economic relations with the emerging continent, so much so as to become the first Scandinavian prime minister to fly to Africa to meet the leaders of the newly independent states.

Arriving in Port Sudan on the request of the Sudanese government. Tage Erlander, along with the Minister of Trade and several industrial experts in fish farming would tour the city along with their Sudanese counterparts. In hopes of starting trials on catfish farming in the Red Sea — the success of such projects would allow Sudanese fishermen to gain economic benefits for the ever growing and improving industry just introduced to Norway just a few years prior. Not only would Scandinavia lend its knowledge of the trade to Sudan, it would partially find the project. In hopes of futuring relations with the Sudanese government — this step would be the first in establishing Nordic-Sudanese relations.

The Kingdom of Le Equatoria

        | 𝟷𝟿𝟼𝟼-𝟷𝟿𝟼𝟽 |

      𝐃𝐑𝐂 ✰ 𝐑É𝐏𝐔𝐁𝐋𝐈𝐐𝐔𝐄 𝐃É𝐌𝐎𝐂𝐑𝐀𝐓𝐈𝐐𝐔𝐄 𝐃𝐔 𝐂𝐎𝐍𝐆𝐎 
        ✰ 𝙹𝚄𝚂𝚃𝙸𝙲𝙴 ✰ 𝙿𝙰𝙸𝚇 ✰ 𝚃𝚁𝙰𝚅𝙰𝙸𝙻 ✰
        LA PAIX À NOTRE ÉPOQUE

    With Stanleyville liberated and most of the Simba militias defeated, the old military regime was once again in power. Kishimura assumed the presidency, although not for long. Many within the ANC had grown to hate Kishimura's leadership during the Congo Crisis. Frustration and dissent began to brew within the ranks, and soon enough, Colonel Léonard Mulamba began plotting against Kishimura. Colonel Mulamba used the fame and influence gained from his leadership during the Simba Rebellion to appoint himself as president with the support of the Army. Mulamba's self-appointment as president marked the end of the National Emergency Council. With the backing of the Army, he aimed to consolidate his power and bring stability to a country ravaged by years of conflict. However, his rise to power also raised concerns about the consolidation of military control and the potential for a return to authoritarian rule in the nation. Mulamba would invite the UDDIA party leader, Hortense Ngoma, to assume the prime ministership to ease the political instability in the Congo. However, this partnership was short-lived, as Mulamba's consolidation of power over the army allowed him to effectively eliminate rival military officers, ensuring his control over the military. This move further solidified his authority and raised concerns about the potential for an authoritarian regime in the Congo. A fear that came true on September 5th, 1966, when Ngoma fled the country after receiving threats on his life from the army. Leaving Mulamba as the sole undisputed leader of the Congo. With no real challenges left to his rule, Mulamba would embark on a political campaign to legitimize himself to the public. He aimed to gain popular support and portray himself as a legitimate leader through various propaganda tactics and public appearances.

    However, Mulamba would face his first major challenge when a group of mecernaries led by Jean "Black Jack" Schramme sparked a revolt in Ituri. Schramme was a former plantation owner and a self-described Africain blanc ("a white African"). Schramme and other opportunistic mercenaries plotted to take over Ituri and establish their own independent state. The reason for this revolt was that Mulamba had long disliked the white mercenaries in his country as reflecting an adverse comment upon his military competence, and over the course of 1966 and the first half of 1967, he steadily reduced the number of mercenaries. From December 1966 to July 1967, the number of mercenaries in the Congo had been reduced from about 650 down to 189 as Mulamba paid the last of their wages and then sent them home. In June 1967, the French mercenary Bob Denard gave Schramme notice that his unit would be dissolved and withdraw from the Congo. This served as the impetus for Schramme's plot to take over Ituri. The revolt began when Schramme and 60 of his own mercs raided a POW camp holding Simba rebels in the provincial capital of Bunia. Schramme managed to convince the Simba's to take up his cause with a little bit of charisma and financial persuasion. He promised them better pay and improved living conditions, which appealed to the disillusioned rebels. With the support of the Simba rebels, Schramme's forces grew in numbers and strength, allowing him to capture Bunia and several towns nearby. Schramme also managed to convince several units of the Congolese Army to defect, as they had not been paid by Stanleyville for several months. With a force now totaling 700, Schramme and his acomplices declared the Free State of Ituri on the 16th of July, 1967.

The Commonwealth of Australia of Vancouver Straits

    Commonwealth of Australia / Gemenebest van Australië

    BLACK TUESDAY BUSHFIRES
    Commonwealth of Australia | February '67


      SECLUDED

      Secluded off the mainland, the Australian state of Tasmania is better known as the birthplace of the Tasmanian wolf and Errol Flynn. It acts as a market garden for mainland Australia, a hundred-fifty miles away, growing fresh produce in its well-kept fields and lush apple orchards. Situated inland from the charming, Georgian-styled capital of Hobart (population of 116,000), the island is wild and windswept, covered in forests that boast some of the largest trees on Earth, including enormous Eucalyptus and majestic Oaks. This past week, the woods brought undesired fame to Tasmania in the form of the worst fire that Australia has ever seen. It arrived at a breakneck pace. While on Ash Wednesday morning a small number of bushfires were raging on the capital's Mount Wellington slopes, it appeared as though Hobart itself was on fire in the blink of an eye. The bushfires, aided by gusts of up to seventy miles an hour and scorching temperatures of 102°, engulfed the entire southern half of the island in a blazing scythe that stretched eighty miles toward the coast. A dynamite plant was blown up, a brewery was gutted, and the Hobart airport was shut down by a thick, noxious veil of smoke as the flames spread into the suburbs of Hobart, ensnaring busloads of tourists in apple country and carloads of fleeing farmers. Three of the island's rapidly expanding businesses—a carbide plant, a fish cannery, and a brewery—were destroyed in the fire. The heat caused trees to burst. The aroma of burnt cattle wafted from gutted paddocks. Melted houses. Crashes of twisted black debris detonate from vehicles.

      As the fire spread, people attempted to secure their lives in any way possible. Two individuals attempted to flee from low-lying fires in the tinder-dry grass by climbing a gum tree; however, the resinous tree burst into flames at the touch of a match, entangling their bodies to its trunk. Residents of the seaside resort of Snug fled to the ocean and stared helplessly as their town vanished. An old man and his wife sprinted for safety as the inferno raged toward their home. Eventually, the fire reversed its path, and their lifeless bodies were discovered just a hundred yards away. Keepers rescued elephants from a traveling circus as the fires drew closer, allowing them to make their way into the nearby forest. The keepers, on the other hand, were far more level-headed; they drenched themselves at a nearby trough before heading back to their vehicles. Just in the nick of time, the vans escaped as the fire engulfed the surrounding area. Charred chimneys covered most of the island as the fire extinguished itself. The fire killed at least fifty-two people in Tasmania and burned over a thousand dwellings, causing an estimated $500 million in damage. When the smoke cleared, Prime Minister Harold Holt flew into Hobart and strolled among the debris of what he described as “the closest thing to a blitzed city that I hope we ever see in this country.” A few shocked survivors looked up the 1967 date in Old Moore's Almanac and blamed the stars. “There are unfavorable signs relating to the timber industry from January to July,” Moore's said. Mars' upcoming square to Jupiter is likely to bring about a spate of nearly catastrophic forest fires.



The Federation of Malaysia of Maziya

JUNE , 1967
The New Malaysian Currency

| A new currency would be instated to replace the old Malayan, North Borneo and Bruneian dollar the new currency would be called the Malaysian Ringgit, with it being abbreviated and it's currency sign being RM. |

| It would have the subunit of 100 cents being an equivalent to 1 ringgit. Onto the topic of banknotes, it would have the banknotes of:

    - 1 ringgit
    - 2 ringgit
    - 5 ringgit
    - 10 ringgit
    - 15 ringgit
    - 20 ringgit
    - 50 ringgit
    - 100 ringgit
    - 500 ringgit
    - 1,000 ringgit

It would also have a RM 60 and RM 600 banknote but those are purely commemorative. A difference between the new currency and the old currency (specifically the Malayan & North Borneo dollar) is that it doesn't have a 10,000 banknote. The banknotes would also take the colours utilised by the old currency banknotes, but the new banknotes design would feature the face of current prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman. |

| With the introduction of the Malaysian ringgit, would also come new coinage. The coins that would be circulation would be:

    - 1 cent
    - 5 cent
    - 10 cent
    - 20 cent
    - 50 cent

The design of the coins would feature the national flower of Malaysia, the Hibiscus on one side, and a wau bulan (a type of kite unique to Malaysia) on the other side. With the coins also stating the year that specific coin was made, encircling the image. |

| As Malaysia is a participating member of the sterling area, the new dollar would be valued at 8+4⁄7 dollars per 1 British pound sterling; in turn, £1 = US$2.80 so subsequently US$1 = RM3.06. the one's who would be in charge of the issuing of the new currency would be the Central Bank of Malaysia and Kilang Wang Bank which would be in charge of the minting of the currency. |

| The Central Bank of Malaysia would adopt the practice that the Bruneian central bank (which had since been absorbed into the Malaysian central bank) adopted when it introduced it's Bruneian dollar. With the old Bruneian, Malayan & North Borneo dollar still legally allowed to be used for the purchase of items, under a specific term of 5 years. After that term is up which would be in 1972 the old currency is no longer legally a viable option for payment and that the Malaysian ringgit and coinage would be the only currency accepted for payment in Malaysia. But once the term ends, people could visit their local bank to turn in their savings of the old currency to receive the new currency to replace the old currency they had in savings. |

______________________________________________

The Federation of NewAuroria

September 12, 1967 - Telegraph Creek, Canada
NewAuroria — Evening
v
|
Northern Railroad Brings Economic Promise to Telegraph Creek

Byline: September 12, 1967 - Telegraph Creek, Canada

In the picturesque setting of Telegraph Creek, a transformative development is on the horizon as the Northern Railroad rapidly approaches this quaint town. The impending arrival of the railroad, a pivotal section of the larger Northern Railway project, is generating excitement and high expectations for the economic prospects of Telegraph Creek. As the rail tracks snake their way towards the town, analysts predict a profound impact on the local economy. Telegraph Creek, nestled in the scenic northern landscapes, has long been a hidden gem, but the imminent connection to the broader railway network is set to propel it into a new era of growth and prosperity.

The railroad's arrival is poised to unlock new opportunities for trade, tourism, and commerce. The ease of transportation facilitated by the railway will not only connect Telegraph Creek to neighboring towns and cities but also open avenues for the export of local products and resources to wider markets. Local businesses are gearing up for increased activity, anticipating a surge in demand as accessibility improves. The influx of visitors, both for leisure and business, is expected to breathe new life into the community, with hotels, restaurants, and shops preparing for a bustling future.

The potential for job creation is another significant aspect of this development. As the railway becomes operational, there will be a need for a workforce to manage various aspects of the transportation and logistics sectors, providing employment opportunities for the local population. Residents are expressing optimism about the prospect of enhanced connectivity. Improved access to goods and services, coupled with the economic stimulus brought by the railroad, is seen as a catalyst for Telegraph Creek's transformation from a quiet town to a thriving hub.

The completion of this section of the Northern Railway marks not just a physical connection but also a symbolic link between Telegraph Creek and the broader Canadian landscape. It is a testament to the nation's commitment to infrastructure development that benefits both urban centers and the more remote, yet culturally rich, corners of the country. As the last rails are laid and the inaugural train approaches Telegraph Creek, the anticipation is palpable. The little town stands at the cusp of a new chapter, ready to embrace the opportunities and challenges that the Northern Railroad will bring.
|



The State of Nippon-Nihon

      SHŌWA 42 | JUNE 1967

        仕方なく前に進む
        RELUCTANTLY MOVING FORWARD

      C A P I T A L   L I B E R A L I Z A T I O N  

         オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 
        
        O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

    KASUMIGASEKI — EVENING
    TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon

    | When Western businessmen try to do business in Japan, they sometimes remember the welcome COMMODORE PERRY received there in 1853. For years, the U.S. and other nations have advised Japan to ease its restrictions on foreign investment; for years, the Japanese refused, claiming that their industries would be harmed. After consulting economic experts, the government announced that it would adopt a “capital liberalization” program under which it promises to open “a considerable number of fields” to foreign companies. As far as most Western businesspeople are concerned, the results are not at all encouraging. Only a few U.S. companies have significant operations in Japan. Since the war, there have been tangles of capital regulations, bureaucratic delays, and impossible conditions. |

    | When Texas Instruments Inc. met with Japanese officials to ask for permission to open a subsidiary to manufacture integrated circuits, the government accepted — as long as it was fifty-fifty owned by a Japanese company, agreed to production and sales limits, and turned over valuable patents to other Japanese manufacturers. Texas Instruments refused. Japan has always excused such policies by citing “special difficulties” involved in recovering its war-ravaged industrial base. That excuse rings hollow now that Japan is the sixth-largest industrialized country in the world. Since Japan joined the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in 1964, it has become clear that the Japanese should begin to reciprocate in the international exchange of capital. The new program should not bring any inflow of foreign capital. The first step increases the limit on foreign investment in existing Japanese companies from 15% to 20%. Non-Japanese capital will be allowed 100% participation in 17 industries such as cement, steel, and shipbuilding — areas in which Japanese companies are almost unchallenged. In another 33 sectors, including cameras, watches, and laminated glass, foreigners will have a share of up to 50%, as long as control remains with Japanese partners. |

The Korean Kingdom of Rutannia

    1967년 06월 16일
    Korean-Yugoslavian Trade

    Prince Heeseung in Belgrade

BELGRADE, Ranponian

| It was a warm and dry day in Belgrade, the city itself was busy, but not crowded. A small cafe on Republic Square was playing host to a group of ten people, who seemed to attract some attention from passersby, some would approach the group talking to them inquisitively, often in broken English, others would walk by getting glimpses. |

    Prince Heeseung: “Why do they keep coming up to us? It’s not like anyone knows who I am”

    Song Jung-myung: “Yes, but we are a large group of Koreans in an overwhelmingly European nation, we’re bound to attract some attention.”

| The Prince would let out a small chuckle, sipping on his coffee as he looked out over the square, his mind making mental notes of the buildings and architecture that surrounded them. Another from their group sat down beside him, taking a bite out of a pastry, as he placed down his own coffee. The Prince would raise a brow as he looked at the pastry and back to the man. |

    Suzaku Tanaka: “It’s called, uh, Burek? I think? That's what it sounded like the lady said when I pointed at it.”

    Prince Heeseung: “Always with the pastries Suzaku, Europe’s bad for your diet. It’s a good job you like running, eh?”

| The pair would chuckle amongst themselves as Suzaku gave Heeseung a gentle shove, others around the table talked to one another interacting with passers by as they occasionally approached, others would be going through folders of documents seemingly making sure everything was in order. The group would leave the cafe after some time gently bowing to the owners as they left making their way through Republic Square. Suzaku and Heeseung would wander ahead of the group slightly as Suzaku trawled through a map of Belgrade. |

    Suzaku Tanaka: “Surely you should be combusting by now?”

    Prince Heeseung: “What do you mean?”

    Suzaku Tanaka: “You, a prince, perusing shops on Republic Square, goes against your existence.”

| The Prince would simply roll his eyes at the other as he peered over the map, spotting something of interest. Pointing to it with a smile. |

    Suzaku Tanaka: “Belgrade Fortress?”

    Prince Heeseung: “Definitely. Europe’s famed for its fortresses, particularly around here, defending from the Ottoman Empire. I’ve heard that the Byzantine Empire rebuilt the fort. We have to go.”

| This time it was Suzaku’s turn to simply roll his eyes; the group had stopped when the pair did. They seemed to once again be attracting some attention as the pair appeared to squabble over the map, one of the advisors approached the pair peering down to the map. |

    Bo Jin-Sang: “We’d have time, it’s about ten minutes by car to the Palace of the Slavs, and we don’t have to be there until two o’clock. We’ll have time, and it gives me a chance to give you a run down on who you’re meeting. Grand Marshal Tito and Marshal Nikola Ljubičić shall be in attendance.”

| The advisor would make his way back to the group, as the pair looked to one another nodding in agreement. As the group made their way to the Fortress looking upon the sites of the city, Suzaku would ask a question that underpinned the whole point of the trip. |

    Suzaku Tanaka: “Why you Heeseung?”

    Prince Heeseung: “Hush, they’ll have you for the informality. But, my father said I was best suited to this trip. I mean I can tell that Prince Jong hates the attention, he’s quite happy attending gardens and horticulture. It’s taken everyone else a lot longer to notice. Meanwhile my older brother is. . . scatter-brained. He could be a good ruler if he could just fixate on the job he’s meant to be doing, plus with baby number two on the way it’d be too much.”

    Suzaku Tanaka: “So in a way this is a test from your father, to see whether you are as observant and diligent as he suspects. Everyone always says you’re quiet and don’t talk much-”

    Prince Heeseung: “Who says that?”

    Suzaku Tanaka: “Everyone.”

| The group would continue on their way to Belgrade Fortress to enjoy the rest of their short time in Belgrade before the real work had to begin. For all its formalities, Prince Heeseung was merely there to add a dash of fanfare to the event. Effectively buttering up the Yugoslavian regime. For him this wasn’t a big deal, a Prince in a Communist nation was a bit of an oxymoron, but it was his duty. It also provided him with the perfect chance to learn more about other governments and nations, particularly via informal conversations that no one else other than other leaders tended to privy to. |



The Kingdom of Spain-

DISPATCH

Reino de España | The Crown.


THE CROWN


T H EC R O W N
.

King of Spain
Rey de España


Coat of arms of the King of Spain

Juan III

Reign

June 20th 1954 – Current

Enthronement

June 20th 1954

Preceded by

Diego Martínez Barrio
(as President of the Republic)
Alfonso XIII
(as King of Spain)

Personal

Born

June 20th 1913
Royal Palace of La Granja de
San Ildefonso, San Ildefonso, Spain-

Spouse

María de las Mercedes of Bourbon-Two Sicilies (m. 1935)

Issue

Infanta Pilar, Duchess of Badajoz
Juan Carlos, Prince of Asturias
Infanta Margarita, Duchess of Soria
Infante Alfonso, Duke of Toledo

Names

Juan Carlos Teresa Silverio Alfonso de Borbón y Battenberg

Father

Alfonso XIII

Mother

Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg

Religion

Roman Catholicism

Signature

House of Bourbon–Anjou

Parent house

House of Bourbon
(Capetian dynasty)

Style

LinkHis Most Catholic Majesty

Heir Apparent

Juan Carlos, Prince of Asturias

Founded

16 November 1700

Founder

Philip V (Felipe V)

Official Residence

Royal Palace of Madrid

The Spanish Monarchy



The monarchy of Spain or Spanish monarchy (Spanish: Monarquía Española) is the constitutional form of government of Spain. It consist of a hereditary monarch that reigns as the head of state, being the highest office of the country. The current monarch is Juan III since 20 June 1954, after the monarchy was restored. The Spanish monarchy is constitutionally referred to as The Crown (Spanish: La Corona), and it comprises the reigning monarch, his or her royal family, and the Royal Household, which supports and facilitates the sovereign in the exercise of his duties and prerogatives. The Royal Family is currently represented by King Juan III, Queen María, their daughters and sons Infanta Pilar, Duchess of Badajoz, Juan Carlos, Prince of Asturias, Infanta Margarita, Duchess of Soria, and Infante Alfonso, Duke of Toledo.

The restoration of the Spanish Constitution of 1876 re-established a constitutional monarchy as the form of government for Spain after the end of the Second Spanish Republic in 1954. The 1876 constitution affirmed the role of the King of Spain as the living personification and embodiment of the Spanish nation and a symbol of Spain's enduring unity and permanence and is also invested as the "arbitrator and the moderator" of Spanish institutions. Constitutionally, the sovereign is the head of state and commander-in-chief of the Spanish Armed Forces. The constitution codifies the use of royal styles and titulary, royal prerogatives, hereditary succession to the crown, compensation, and a regency-guardianship contingency in cases of the monarch's minority or incapacitation. According to the Constitution, the monarch is also instrumental in promoting relations with the "nations of its historical community". The monarch serves as honorary president of the Organization of Ibero-American States, representing over 700,000,000 people in twenty-four member nations worldwide. Spain and Monaco are the last remaining monarchies on the European Mediterranean coast.

The Spanish monarchy has its roots in the Visigothic Kingdom of Toledo founded after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. Then, the Kingdom of Asturias fought the Reconquista following the Umayyad conquest of Hispania in the 8th century. A dynastic marriage between Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon (the "Catholic Monarchs") united Spain in the 15th century. The Spanish Empire became one of the first global powers as Isabella and Ferdinand funded Christopher Columbus's exploratory voyage across the Atlantic Ocean. The sea route he established paved the way for the Spanish conquest of much of the Americas.

History



The monarchy in Spain has its roots in the Visigothic Kingdom and its Christian successor states of Navarre, Asturias (later Leon and Castille) and Aragon, which fought the Reconquista or Reconquest of the Iberian peninsula following the Umayyad conquest of Hispania in the 8th century. One of the earliest influential dynasties was the House of Jiménez which united much of Christian Iberia under its leadership in the 11th century. From Sancho III of Navarre (r. 1000–1035) until Urraca of León and Castile (r. 1106–1125), members of the Jiménez family claimed the historic Visigothic title Imperator totius Hispaniae or Emperor of All Spain. The Jiménez rulers sought to bring their kingdoms into the European mainstream and often engaged in cross-Pyrenees alliances and marriages, and became patrons to Cluniac Reforms (c. 950–c.1130). Urraca's son and heir Alfonso VII of León and Castile, the first of the Spanish branch of the Burgundy Family, was the last to claim the imperial title of Spain, but divided his empire among his sons. The Castilian Civil War (1366 to 1369) ended with the death of King Peter (r. 1334–1369) at the hands of his illegitimate half-brother Henry, 1st Count of Trastámara who ruled as Henry II (r. 1369–1379). Henry II became the first of the House of Trastámara to rule over a Spanish kingdom. King Peter's heiress, his granddaughter Catherine of Lancaster, married Henry III, reuniting the dynasties in the person of their son, King John II.

In the 15th century, the marriage between Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, both members of the House of Trastámara, known as the Catholic Monarchs, united two important kingdoms of the Iberian peninsula. Each kingdom retained its basic structure. The last pretender of the crown of the Byzantine Empire, Andreas Palaiologos, who styled himself as "Emperor of Constantinople", bestowed his imperial title to Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile in his last testament, dated 7 April 1502, although the Spanish monarchs have never used the title. In 1492 the Catholic Monarchs conquered the Kingdom of Granada in southern Spain, the last Muslim territory in the Iberian peninsula. The unification of Spain is marked from this date, though the Spanish kingdoms continued past that date.

The territories of the Spanish empire overseas were dependencies of the Crown of Castile, and Castile had an outsized influence there. Following the Spanish explorations and settlement in the Caribbean, the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire and the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire, the crown established high courts ("Audiencias") and viceroyalties in important regions (Mexico, 1535; Panama, 1538, which was later replaced by Lima, 1542). The viceroy (vice-king) and the Audiencias were the effective administrators of royal policy.

In the early 16th century, the Spanish monarchy passed to the House of Habsburg under King Charles I (also Holy Roman Emperor as Charles V), son of Queen Joanna and King Philip I of Castile. With his mother and co-monarch Joanna confined in Tordesillas, Charles I was the sole ruler. The reign of Philip II of Spain marked the peak of the Spanish Golden Age (1492–1659), a period of great colonial expansion and trade. The Hispanic Crown retained control over and profited from all operations in overseas colonies (by and large royal assets under a monopoly on trade), including slave trade, developed under the purview of the regalía late-medieval system. The death in 1700 of Charles II, last of the Spanish Habsburgs, triggered the War of the Spanish succession.

With the death of the childless Charles II, the succession to the throne was disputed. Charles II had designated his sister Maria Theresa's grandson, Philip of France, Duke of Anjou, as his heir. The possible unification of Spain with France, the two big European powers at the time, sparked the Spanish War of Succession in the 18th century, culminating in the treaties of Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714), which preserved the European balance of power.

Philip V was the first member of the House of Bourbon (Spanish: Borbón) to rule Spain. That dynasty still rules today under Juan (John) III.

In the mid-eighteenth century, particularly under Charles III of Spain, the Spanish Crown embarked on an ambitious and far-reaching project to implement major reforms in the administration of Spain and the Spanish empire. These changes, collectively known as the Bourbon Reforms, attempted to rationalize administration and produce more revenue from the overseas empire.

During the Napoleonic Wars, the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte forced Ferdinand VII to abdicate in 1808, and the Bourbons became a focus of popular resistance against French rule. However, Ferdinand's rejection of the liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812, as well as his ministerial appointments, particularly the exclusion of liberals, gradually eroded popular support for the Spanish monarchy. With the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830, Ferdinand set aside the Salic Law, introduced by Philip V, that prohibited women from becoming sovereigns of Spain. Thereby, as had been customary before the arrival of the Bourbons, Ferdinand VII's eldest daughter Isabella became his heiress presumptive. Opponents of the Pragmatic Sanction argued that it was never officially promulgated, claiming Ferdinand VII's younger brother, Prince Carlos, the rightful heir to the crown according to the Salic Law.

In September 1873, the First Spanish Republic was founded. A coup d'état restored the Bourbon dynasty to the throne in 1874.

In 1931 Spanish local elections produced victories (particularly in urban areas) for candidates favoring an end to the monarchy and the establishment of a republic. Faced with unrest in the cities, Alfonso XIII went into exile, but did not abdicate. The ensuing provisional government evolved into the relatively short-lived Second Spanish Republic. The Spanish Civil War began in 1936 and ended on 1 April 1939 with the victory of President Manuel Azaña and the Republican Government. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany aided Franco and the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. A British MI6 Operative flew Franco from the Canary Islands to Spanish North Africa to take over the Spanish Legion. The Soviet Union backed the Republican Government as did Mexico under the government of Lázaro Cárdenas and the United States.

After twenty three years without monarchy or kingdom, in 1954, Spain was made a Kingdom again by Prime Minister Francis Alvarez, through a referendum. The son of the late King Alfonso XIII, Infante Juan, became the new King of Spain as Juan III and the second republic constitution was abolished and the 1876 constitution was restored, making Spain a monarchy once again and restored the Catholic Church as Spain’s State religion.

Crown, constitution, and royal prerogatives



The Crown of Spain (la Corona de España), with its roots in the Visigothic kingdom from the 5th century and subsequent successor states, is by the Spanish Constitution of 1876. Constitutionally the monarch embodies and personifies the "indissoluble" unity and permanence of the Spanish State, and represents the legal personality of the State and by extension fulfills the role of "Father of the Nation".

According to the constitution, the sovereignty power emanates from the people, so it is the very same people who give the king the power to reign.

The monarch "arbitrates and moderates the regular functioning of the institutions" and assumes the highest representation of the Spanish State in international relations. The monarch exercises the functions expressly conferred on him by the constitution and the laws.

Upon accession to the crown and being proclaimed before the Cortes Generales, the king swears an oath to faithfully carry out his constitutional duties and to abide by the constitution and laws of the state. Additionally, the constitution gives the king the added responsibility to ensure that the constitution is obeyed. Lastly, the king swears to respect the rights of Spanish citizens and of the self-governing communities. The Prince of Asturias, upon reaching the age of majority, in addition to any regent(s) upon assuming the office, swears the same oath as that of the king along with a further oath of loyalty to the monarch.

The 1876 constitution delineates the powers of the king and defines the king's role in the appointment of the prime minister and the formation of the council of ministers/government. The constitution also outlines the king's role in the country's independent judiciary. However, by constitutional convention established by Juan III, the king exercises his prerogatives having solicited government advice while maintaining a politically non-partisan and independent monarchy. Receiving government advice does not necessarily bind the monarch into executing the advice, except where prescribed by the constitution. His acts shall always be countersigned in the manner established in the constitution. Without such countersignature they shall not be valid, except as provided under certain section of the constitution.

Styles, titles, and the fount of Honour



The constitution confirms the title of the monarch is the King of Spain, but that he may also use other titles historically associated with the Crown.

According to Royal Decree, regulating the titles, treatments and honours of the royal family and the regents, the king and his wife, the queen consort, will formally be addressed as "His Most Catholic Majesty and Her Most Catholic Majesty" (Their Most Catholic Majesties, Spanish: Majestad Catolicísima, Su represents His or Her). A prince consort, the husband of a queen regnant, will have the style "His Royal Highness" (Su Alteza Real). The widows and widowers of monarchs are to retain these styles until they remarry. The heir from birth shall hold the title of Prince of Asturias and the other titles historically associated with the heir apparent. These additional titles include Prince of Viana, historically associated with the heir apparent to the Kingdom of Navarre; with the titles Prince of Girona and Duke of Montblanc historically associated with the heir apparent for the Crown of Aragon, among others. Other children of the monarch, and the children of the heir apparent, shall have the title and rank of Infante or Infanta (prince or princess), and styled His or Her Royal Highness (Su Alteza Real). Children of an Infante or Infanta of Spain "shall have the consideration of Spanish Grandees", and the address of "Your Excellency". The royal decree further limits the ability of any regent to use or create titles during the minority or incapacitation of a monarch. No further constitutional language prescribes titles or forms of address to the fourth generation, or great grandchildren, of a reigning monarch.

The monarch's position as the fount of honour within Spain is codified in the constitution; It is incumbent upon the monarch to "confer civil and military positions and award honors and distinctions in conformity of the law". According to the Spanish Ministry of Justice, nobility and grandee titles are created by the "sovereign grace of the king", and may be passed on to the recipient's heirs, who may not sell the title. Titles may revert to the Crown when their vacancy is observed. Succession of titles may follow one of several courses listed on the Title of Concession when the title is created.

The king grants not only military and civil orders, but also grants awards of distinction, customarily on the advice of government. The Order of the Golden Fleece, one of the oldest surviving orders of chivalry, is the highest honor the king of Spain can bestow. The second in order the king may award is the Order of Charles III to "citizens who, with their effort, initiative and work, have brought a distinguished and extraordinary service to the Nation". The Laureate Cross of Saint Ferdinand is Spain's highest military award for gallantry. Other orders, decorations, and medals include the Order of Isabella the Catholic, the Order of Alfonso X, the Royal and Military Order of Saint Hermenegild, the Order of Saint Raimundo de Penafort, the Order of Military Merit, the Order of Naval Merit, the Order of Aerial Merit, the Order of Civil Merit, the Order of Cultural Merit, the Order of Calatrava, the Order of the Knights of Santiago, the Order of Sant Jordi d'Alfama, and the Order of Alcántara, among others.

Inviolability and lèse-majesté



The Spanish monarch is personally immune from prosecution for acts committed by government ministers in the king's name. Although he is nominally chief executive, his acts are not valid unless countersigned by a minister, who then assumes political and legal responsibility for the act in question. This legal convention mirrors the concept of sovereign immunity which evolved in similar constitutional monarchies. The legal concept of sovereign immunity evolved into other aspects of immunity law in similar liberal democracies, such as parliamentary immunity, judicial immunity, and qualified immunity in the United States. As the reigning monarch the king of Spain has absolute sovereign immunity, he cannot be charged in any court of law in the Spanish state. This immunity applies to both civil and criminal cases. Sovereign immunity is reserved exclusively for the current holder of the Office of King. It does not apply to any other member of the royal family.

The concept of lèse-majesté (lesa-majestad) exists in Spanish jurisprudence, which is the crime or offense violating the dignity of the head-of-state or the State itself. According to the Constitution the monarch and the dignity of the Spanish State are one and the same: "The King is Head of State, the symbol of its unity and permanence". Breaching Spain's lèse-majesté laws may carry fines and up to two years in prison. The concept is within the same legal sphere as legislation prohibiting flag desecration in other democratic countries. Additionally, lèse-majesté extends to any foreign heads-of-state visiting Spain, and other members of the royal family, and to the Spanish President of the Government as the king's appointed officer.

Succession and regency



According to the constitution the Crown of Spain is inherited by the successors of King Alfonso XII de Borbón through male preference primogeniture.

Male-preference cognatic primogeniture has been practiced in Spain since the 11th century in the various Visigothic successor states and codified in the Siete Partidas, with women able to inherit in certain circumstances. However, with the succession of Philip V in 1700, the first of the Spanish Bourbons, women were barred from succession until Ferdinand VII reintroduced the right and designated his elder daughter Isabella as his heir presumptive by 1833.

If all lines designated by law become extinct, the constitution reserves the right for the Cortes Generales to provide for the succession "in the manner most suitable for Spain". The constitution disinherits members of the royal family (as well as their descendants) from succession if they marry against the expressed prohibition of the monarch and the Cortes Generales. Lastly, the constitution further provides that "Abdications and renunciations and any doubt in fact or in law that may arise in connection with the succession to the Crown shall be settled by an organic act".

The constitution outlines the regency of the monarchy and guardianship of the person of the monarch in the event of his minority or incapacitation. The office of Regent(s) and the Guardianship of the monarch (whether the monarch is in his minority or incapacitated) may not necessarily be the same person. In the event of the minority of the monarch, the surviving mother or father, or oldest relative of legal age who is nearest in line to the throne, would immediately assume the office of Regent, who in any case must be Spanish. If a monarch becomes incapacitated, and that incapacitation is recognized by the Cortes Generales, then the Prince of Asturias (the heir apparent), shall immediately become Regent, if he is of age. If the Prince of Asturias is himself a minor, then the Cortes Generales shall appoint a Regency which may be composed of one, three, or five persons. The person of the king in his minority shall fall under the guardianship of the person designated in the will of the deceased monarch, provided that he or she be of age and of Spanish nationality. If no guardian has been appointed in the will, then the father or mother will then assume the guardianship, as long as they remain widowed. Otherwise, the Cortes Generales shall appoint both the Regent(s) and the guardian, who in this case may not be held by the same person, except by the father or mother of direct relation of the king.

King, the government, and the Cortes Generales



The constitution defines the government's responsibilities. The government consists of the President of the Government and ministers of state. The government conducts domestic and foreign policy, civil and military administration, and the defense of the nation all in the name of the king. Additionally, the government exercises executive authority and statutory regulations. The most direct prerogative the monarch exercises in the formation of Spanish governments is in the nomination and appointment process of the President of the Government (Presidente del Gobierno de España). Following the General Election of the Cortes Generales (Cortes), and other circumstances provided for in the constitution, the king meets with and interviews the political party leaders represented in the Cortes, and then consults with the Speaker of the Congress (who, in this instance, represents the whole of the Cortes Generales).

Constitutionally, the monarch may nominate anyone he sees fit as is his prerogative. However, it remains pragmatic for him to nominate the person most likely to enjoy the confidence of the Cortes and form a government, usually the political leader whose party commands the most seats in the Cortes. For the Crown to nominate the political leader whose party controls the Cortes can be seen as a royal endorsement of the democratic process, a fundamental concept enshrined in the constitution. By political custom, the king's nominees have all been from parties who hold the most seats in the Cortes. The king is normally able to announce his nominee the day following a General Election.

The king's nominee is presented before the Cortes by the Speaker where the nominee and his political agenda are debated and submitted for a Vote of Confidence (Cuestión de confianza) by the Cortes. A simple majority confirms the nominee and his program.[18] After the nominee is deemed confirmed by the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies, the king appoints him as the new President of the Government in a ceremony performed at the Salón de Audiencias in the Royal Palace of Madrid, the official residence of the king. During the inauguration ceremony, the President of the Government takes an oath of office over an open Constitution next to the Bible.

However, if no overall majority was obtained on the first vote of confidence, then the same nominee and program is resubmitted for a second vote within forty-eight hours. Following the second vote, if confidence by the Cortes is still unreached, then the monarch again meets with political leaders and the Speaker, and submits a new nominee for a vote of confidence. If, within two months, no candidate has won the confidence of the Cortes then the king dissolves the Cortes and calls for a new General Election. The king's royal decree is countersigned by the Speaker of the Congress.

In the political life of Spain, the king would already be familiar with the various political leaders in a professional capacity, and perhaps less formally in a more social capacity, facilitating their meeting following a General Election. Conversely, nominating the party leader whose party maintains a plurality and who are already familiar with their party manifesto facilitates a smoother nomination process. In the event of coalitions, the political leaders would customarily have met beforehand to hammer out a coalition agreements before their meeting with the king. Once appointed, the President of the Government forms an administration whose ministers are appointed and removed by the king on the president's advice. No minister may take up his appointment until after they give their oath of office to obey the constitution with loyalty to the king.

The king presides over cabinet meetings to be directly informed by ministers of non-partisan national and international concerns. The king meet weekly with the President of the Government, usually on Tuesday mornings.

Governments and the Cortes sit for a term no longer than four years when the president tenders his resignation to the king and advises the king to dissolve the Cortes, prompting a General Election. It remains within the king's prerogative to dissolve the Cortes if, at the conclusion of the four years, the president has not asked for its dissolution. The president may call for earlier elections, but no sooner than a year after the prior General Election. Additionally, if the Government loses the confidence of the Cortes, then it must resign. In the event that a president dies or becomes incapacitated while in office, then the government as a whole resigns and the process of royal nomination and appointment takes place. The vice president would take over the day-to-day operations in the meantime, even while vice president himself may be nominated by the king.

Royal assent, judiciary, and promulgation of the laws



The constitution vests the sanction (royal assent) and promulgation (publication) of the laws with the king, and outlines the method with which bills are passed. According to the constitution, within fifteen days that a bill has been passed by the Cortes Generales, the king shall give his assent and publish the new law. The constitution invests the king with the right to call for referendum on the advice of the president and the previous authorization of Congress.

No provision within the constitution invests the king with the ability to veto legislation directly; however, no provision prohibits the king from withholding royal assent, effectively a veto.

According to the constitution, Justice in Spain "emanates from the people and is administered on behalf of the King by judges and magistrates members of the Judicial Power". It remains a royal prerogative for the king to appoint the twenty members to the General Council of the Judicial Power of Spain (Spain's Supreme Court), and then appoint the President of the Supreme Court nominated by the General Council, according to the constitution. However, by convention the king's nominations have been with the advice of the government of the day.

Additionally, the king appoints the State Public Prosecutor on the advice of the government. The king may grant clemency in accordance with the law; however, the king may not authorize a general pardon of government ministers who have been found criminally liable or guilty of treason by the Criminal Article of the Supreme Court, according to the constitution.

King and international diplomacy



Constitutionally the king accredits Spanish ambassadors to international states and governments, and foreign representatives to Spain are accredited before him. However, the government of the day manages diplomatic policy on behalf of the monarch. Additionally, it remains the responsibility for the monarch to express the state's assent to international commitments and treaties, which must be in conformity with the Spanish constitution.

The monarch is assisted in his diplomatic missions by the Foreign Ministry, and high-ranking members of the Foreign Ministry are made available to the king when he is abroad representing Spain. The royal household coordinates with the Foreign Ministry to ensure successful diplomatic engagements. Additionally, other members of the royal family, most notably the Prince of Asturias, may represent the Spanish State internationally. Though the Spanish monarchy is independent of the government, it is important that royal speeches are compatible with government foreign policy to project a unified diplomatic effort. To achieve balance, royal household speechwriters confer with the Foreign Ministry to ensure that the official speeches strike the desired diplomatic tone between the king's views and government policy. When necessary and appropriate, the king and his government may focus on two different aspects in a diplomatic engagement. The king may emphasize one aspect, such as the promotion of democracy and historic relations; while the government focuses on the details of strategic planning and bilateral coordination.

King as Commander-in-Chief



The role of the Crown in the Spanish Armed Forces is rooted in tradition and patriotism as demonstrated in the symbols and the history of the military. The role of the Spanish monarch in the chain of command of the forces is established by the constitution, and other statutory law – Acts of Parliament, Royal Decrees etc.

However, the constitution vests the administration of the armed forces and formulation of national defense policy with the President of the Government, a civil officer who is nominated and appointed by the king, confirmed by the elected Congress of Deputies and, as such, is representative of the Spanish people.

As Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, the king holds the highest-ranking office in the military chain of command. The king's ranks include Captain General of the Army, the Navy and the Air and Space Force. The king is the only officer in the military to hold this 5-star General rank. The king takes a keen interest in all aspects of military policy as evidenced by "his direct participation in the life of the Spanish Armed Forces". The king's participation in Spanish military life stems from his constitutional duty to "arbitrate and moderate" the regular working of state institutions. Serving in the armed forces is considered an expectation of the heir apparent.

Asturian Monarchs, 718 - 924


Regal Name

Birth

Reign

Death

Spouse

Successor

House

Pelagius

c. 685

714 - 737

737

Gaudiosa Ferrrandez

Favila

Astur-Leonese

Favila

c. 710

737 - 739

739

Froiluba

Alfonso I

Astur-Leonese

Alfonso I

c. 693

739 - 757

757

Ermesinda

Fruela I

Astur-Leonese

Fruela I

c. 722

757 - 768

768

Munia of Álava

Aurelius

Astur-Leonese

Aurelius

c. 740

768 - 774

774

Unmarried

Silo

Astur-Leonese

Silo

Unknown

774 - 783

783

Adosinda

Mauregatus

Astur-Leonese

Mauregatus

c. 719

783 - 789

789

Creusa

Bermudo I

Astur-Leonese

Bermudo I

c. 750

789 - 791

797

Unknown

Alfonso II

Astur-Leonese

Alfonso II

c. 760

791 - 842

842

Unmarried

Nepotian

Astur-Leonese

Nepotian

Unknown

842 - 842

842

Unknown

Ramiro I

Astur-Leonese

Ramiro I

c. 790

842 - 1 February 850

1 February 850

Paterna

Ordoño I

Astur-Leonese

Ordoño I

c. 821

1 February 850 - 27 May 866

27 May 866

Muniadona or Nuña

Alfonso III

Astur-Leonese

Alfonso III

c. 848

27 May 866 - 20 December 910

20 December 910

Jimena of Pamplona

Fruela II

Astur-Leonese

Fruela II

c. 874

20 December 910 - June 924*

July 925

Nunilo
Urraca bint Abd Allah

Alfonso IV

Astur-Leonese

*Continued his reign as King Fruela II of León until 925. King of Asturias, León, and Galicia until the union of the three crowns under León.

Leonese Monarchs, 910 - 1230


Regal Name

Birth

Reign

Death

Spouse

Successor

House

García I

c. 871

20 December 910 - 9 January 914

9 January 914

Muniadona

Ordoño II

Astur-Leonese

Ordoño II

c. 873

9 January 914 - June 924*

June 924

Elvira Menéndez
Aragonta González
Sancha Sánchez of Pamplona

Fruela II

Astur-Leonese

Fruela II

c. 874

June 924 - July 925*

July 925

Nunilo
Urraca bint Abd Allah

Alfonso IV

Astur-Leonese

Alfonso IV

c. 890s

July 925 - 931

August 933

Onneca Sánchez of Pamplona

Ramiro II

Astur-Leonese

Ramiro II

c. 900

931 - 1 January 951

1 January 951

Adosinda Gutiérrez
Urraca of Pamplona

Ordoño III

Astur-Leonese

Ordoño III

c. 926

1 January 951 - 956

956

Urraca Fernández

Sancho I

Astur-Leonese

Sancho I (1st reign)

c. 932

956 - 958

19 December 966

Teresa Ansúrez

Ordoño IV

Astur-Leonese

Ordoño IV

c. 926

958 - 960

c. 963

Urraca Fernández

Sancho I

Astur-Leonese

Sancho I (2nd reign)

c. 932

960 - 19 December 966

19 December 966

Teresa Ansúrez

Ramiro III

Astur-Leonese

Ramiro III

c. 961

19 December 966 - 984

26 June 985

Sancha Gómez

Bermudo II

Astur-Leonese

Bermudo II

c. 953

984 - September 999

September 999

Velasquita Ramírez
Elvira García

Alfonso V

Astur-Leonese

Alfonso V

c. 994

September 999 - 7 August 1028

7 August 1028

Elvira Menéndez
Urraca of Pamplona

Bermudo III

Astur-Leonese

Bermudo III

c. 1015

7 August 1028 - 4 September 1037

4 September 1037

Jimena Sánchez

Ferdinand I

Astur-Leonese

Ferdinand I

c. 1015

4 September 1037 - 24 December 1065

24 December 1065

Sancha of León

Alfonso VI

Jiménez

Alfonso VI (1st reign)

c. 1040

24 December 1065 - January 1072

1 July 1109

Agnes of Aquitaine
Constance of Burgundy
Berta
Zaida (Isabel) (possibly his mistress)
Beatrice

Sancho II

Jiménez

Sancho II

c. 1036/1038

January 1072 - 6 October 1072*

6 October 1072

Alberta

Alfonso VI

Jiménez

Alfonso VI (2nd reign)

c. 1040

6 October 1072 - 1 July 1109*

1 July 1109

Agnes of Aquitaine
Constance of Burgundy
Berta
Zaida (Isabel) (possibly his mistress)
Beatrice

Urraca

Jiménez

Urraca

c. 1080

1 July 1109 - 8 March 1126*

8 March 1126

Raymond of Burgundy
Alfonso the Battler

Alfonso VII

Jiménez

Alfonso VII

1 March 1105

8 March 1126 - 21 August 1157*

21 August 1157

Berenguela of Barcelona
Richeza of Poland

Ferdinand II

Ivrea

Ferdinand II

1 March 1137

21 August 1157 - 22 January 1188

22 January 1188

Urraca of Portugal
Teresa Fernández de Traba
Urraca López de Haro

Alfonso IX

Ivrea

Alfonso IX

15 August 1171

22 January 1188 - 24 September 1230

24 September 1230

Theresa of Portugal
Berengaria of Castile

Sancha & Dulce

Ivrea

Sancha

c. 1191

24 September 1230 - 11 December 1230*

before 1243

Unmarried

Ferdinand III

Ivrea

Dulce

c. 1194

24 September 1230 - 11 December 1230*

c. 1248

Unmarried

Ferdinand III

Ivrea

*also the king of Galicia from 910.

*Was King of Asturias, León, and Galicia until the union of the three crowns under León.

*also king of Castile (1065–1072).

*also king of Castile (1072–1109).

*also queen of Castile (1109–1126).

*also king of Galicia (1111–1157) and king of Castile (1126–1157).

*de jure co-monarchs, their deaths lead to the Union of Castile, León, and Galicia under the Crown of Castile.

*de jure co-monarchs, their deaths lead to the Union of Castile, León, and Galicia under the Crown of Castile.

Castilian Monarchs, 1230 - 1479


Regal Name

Birth

Reign

Death

Spouse

Successor

House

Ferdinand III

5 August 1199

11 December 1230 - 30 May 1252*

30 May 1252

Elisabeth of Hohenstaufen
Joan, Countess of Ponthieu

Alfonso X

Ivrea

Alfonso X

23 November 1221

30 May 1252 - 4 April 1284*

4 April 1284

Violant of Aragon

Sancho IV

Ivrea

Sancho IV

12 May 1258

4 April 1284 - 25 April 1295

25 April 1295

María de Molina

Ferdinand IV

Ivrea

Ferdinand IV

6 December 1285

25 April 1295 - 7 September 1312

7 September 1312

Constance of Portugal

Alfonso XI

Ivrea

Alfonso XI

13 August 1311

7 September 1312 - 26 March 1350

26 March 1350

Constanza Manuel
Maria of Portugal

Peter

Ivrea

Peter

30 August 1334

26 March 1350 - 23 March 1369

23 March 1369

María de Padilla
Blanche of Bourbon
Juana de Castro

Henry II

Ivrea

Henry II

13 January 1334

23 March 1369 - 29 May 1379*

29 May 1379

Juana Manuel

John I

Trastámara

John I

24 August 1358

29 May 1379 - 9 October 1390

9 October 1390

Eleanor of Aragon
Beatrice of Portugal

Henry III

Trastámara

Henry III

4 October 1379

9 October 1390 - 25 December 1406

25 December 1406

Catherine of Lancaster

John II

Trastámara

John II

6 March 1405

25 December 1406 - 20 July 1454

20 July 1454

Maria of Aragon
Isabella of Portugal

Henry IV

Trastámara

Henry IV

5 January 1425

20 July 1454 - 11 December 1474

11 December 1474

Blanche II of Navarre
Joan of Portugal

Isabella I & Ferdinand V & II (Aragon)

Trastámara

Isabella I

22 April 1451

11 December 1474 - 20 January 1479*

26 November 1504

Ferdinand V & II (Aragon)

Joanna

Trastámara

Ferdinand V & II (Aragon)

10 March 1452

15 January 1475 - 20 January 1479*

23 January 1516

Isabella I

Joanna

Trastámara

*Was King of Castile, León, and Galicia until the union of the three crowns under the Crown of Castile. Canonised as a Saint of the Catholic Church in 1671.

*Elected King of the Romans in 1257, a title which he claimed until he renounced it in 1275.

*Continued her reign as Queen Isabella I of the united realm of España (Spain) until 1504. Queen of Castile until the Union of the Crowns of Castile and Aragon through her marriage with Ferdinand V & II (Aragon).

*Known as Ferdinand II in Aragon. Joint-Monarch with Isabella I. Succeeding to the throne of Aragon as Ferdinand II on 19 January 1479, Ferdinand then ruled all of non-Portuguese Iberia except Granada (added in 1492) and Navarre (added in 1515) effectively creating a de facto united realm of España (Spain).

Spanish Monarchs, 1479 - Present


Regal Name

Birth

Reign

Death

Spouse

Successor

House

Isabella I

22 April 1451

20 January 1479 - 26 November 1504*

26 November 1504

Ferdinand V & II (Aragon)

Joanna

Trastámara

Ferdinand V & II (Aragon)

10 March 1452

20 January 1479 - 26 November 1504/23 January 1516*

23 January 1516

Isabella I

Joanna

Trastámara

Joanna

6 November 1479

26 November 1504 - 12 April 1555*

12 April 1555

Philip I

Charles I

Trastámara

Philip I (Jure uxoris)

March 10, 1452

26 November 1504 - 25 September 1506*

25 September 1506

Joanna

Charles I

Habsburg

Charles I

24 February 1500

13 March 1516 - 16 January 1556*

21 September 1558

Isabella of Portugal

Philip II

Habsburg

Philip II

21 May 1527

16 January 1556 - 13 September 1598

13 September 1598

Maria Manuela of Portugal
Mary I of England
Elisabeth of Valois
Anna of Austria

Philip III

Habsburg

Philip III

14 April 1578

13 September 1598 - 31 March 1621

31 March 1621

Margaret of Austria

Philip IV

Habsburg

Philip IV

8 April 1605

31 March 1621 - 17 September 1665

17 September 1665

Elisabeth of France

Charles II

Habsburg

Charles II

6 November 1661

17 September 1665 - 1 November 1700

1 November 1700

Marie Louise d'Orléans
Maria Anna of Neuburg

Philip V

Habsburg

Philip V (1st reign)

19 December 1683

16 November 1700 - 14 January 1724

9 July 1746

Maria Luisa Gabriella of Savoy
Elisabeth Farnese

Louis I

Bourbon-Anjou

Louis I

25 August 1707

14 January 1724 - 31 August 1724

31 August 1724

Louise Élisabeth d'Orléans

Philip V

Bourbon-Anjou

Philip V (2nd reign)

19 December 1683

6 September 1724 - 9 July 1746

9 July 1746

Maria Luisa Gabriella of Savoy
Elisabeth Farnese

Ferdinand VI

Bourbon-Anjou

Ferdinand VI

23 September 1713

9 July 1746 - 10 August 1759

10 August 1759

Barbara of Portugal

Charles III

Bourbon-Anjou

Charles III

20 January 1716

10 August 1759 - 14 December 1788

14 December 1788

Maria Amalia of Saxony

Charles IV

Bourbon-Anjou

Charles IV

11 November 1748

14 December 1788 - 19 March 1808

20 January 1819

Maria Luisa of Parma

Ferdinand VII

Bourbon-Anjou

Ferdinand VII (1st reign)

14 October 1784

19 March 1808 - 6 May 1808

29 September 1833

Maria Antonia of Naples and Sicily
Maria Isabel of Portugal
Maria Josepha Amalia of Saxony
Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies

Joseph I

Bourbon-Anjou

Joseph I

7 January 1768

6 June 1808 - 11 December 1813

28 July 1844

Zénaïde, Princess of Canino and Musignano
Charlotte Napoléone Bonaparte

Ferdinand VII

Bonaparte

Ferdinand VII (2nd reign)

14 October 1784

11 December 1813 - 29 September 1833

29 September 1833

Maria Antonia of Naples and Sicily
Maria Isabel of Portugal
Maria Josepha Amalia of Saxony
Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies

Isabella II

Bourbon-Anjou

Isabella II

10 October 1830

29 September 1833 - 30 September 1868

10 April 1904

Francisco de Asís, Duke of Cádiz

Amadeo I

Bourbon-Anjou

Amadeo I

30 May 1845

16 November 1870 - 11 February 1873

18 January 1890

Maria Vittoria dal Pozzo
Maria Letizia Bonaparte

Estanislao Figueras (First Spanish Republic)
Alfonso XII

Savoy

Alfonso XII

28 November 1857

29 December 1874 - 25 November 1885

25 November 1885

María de las Mercedes of Orléans
Maria Christina of Austria

Alfonso XIII

Bourbon-Anjou

Alfonso XIII

17 May 1886

17 May 1886 - 14 April 1931

28 February 1941

Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg

Niceto Alcalá-Zamora (Second Spanish Republic)
Juan III

Bourbon-Anjou

Juan III

20 June 1913

15 January 1941 (1954)* - ?

...

Princess María de las Mercedes of Bourbon-Two Sicilies

Juan Carlos, Prince of Asturias

Bourbon-Anjou

*Was Queen of Castile prior to the Union of Castile and Aragon.

*Known as Ferdinand II in Aragon. Joint-Monarch with Isabella I. Succeeding to the throne of Aragon as Ferdinand II on 19 January 1479, Ferdinand then ruled all of non-Portuguese Iberia except Granada (added in 1492) and Navarre (added in 1515) effectively creating a de facto united realm of España (Spain)

*In name, with her husband Philip I (1504–1506). With regent Archbishop Cisneros (1506-1508). In confinement from 1509, with her father Ferdinand V (1508–1516). In confinement, with her son Charles I (1516–1555)

*Jure uxoris king ruling on behalf of his wife, Joanna I.

*Nominally co-monarch with Joanna till 1555, while she was confined.

*Recognised by Monarchist in 1941. All documents were dated using 1941 upon restoration.



January 1967

The royal family at Royal Palace of Madrid.

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