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The Republic of Indones ia

      SUHARTO 13 | SEPTEMBER 1978

        Universitas
        Universities

       D I S P A T C H W O R K  ¹ 

    ISTANA MERDEKA, GAMBIR
    JAKARTA, Indones ia




This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.

The Indonesian higher education system has evolved over decades, drawing on a blend of global influences and adapting to the unique needs of the nation. Originally shaped by Dutch colonial educational structures, the system emphasized formal, hierarchical learning. After Indonesia gained independence, the influence of American educational models introduced a more flexible and research-oriented approach. Today, Indonesian higher education encompasses a broad spectrum of institutions, including public and private universities, polytechnics, colleges, and vocational schools. These institutions offer programs at diploma, undergraduate, and postgraduate levels, promoting a mix of theoretical and practical skills.

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EMBLEM

INSTITUTION

ESTABLISHED

RECTOR

Universitas Indonesia (UI)

1849

Ari Kuncoro

Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB)

1920

Reini Wirahadikusumah

Gadjah Mada University (UGM)

1949

Ova Emilia

Universitas Airlangga (UNAIR)

1954

Mohammad Nasih

Institut Pertanian Bogor (IPB University)

1963

Arif Satria

Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember (ITS)

1960

Mochamad Ashari

Padjadjaran University (UNPAD)

1957

Rina Indiastuti

Universitas Diponegoro (UNDIP)

1957

Yos Johan Utama

Universitas Brawijaya (UB)

1963

Prof. Dr. Widodo

Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia (UPI)

1954

M. Solehuddin

Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta (UNY)

1964

Sumaryanto

Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU)

1952

Muryanto Amin

Universitas Hasanuddin (UNHAS)

1956

Jamaluddin Jompa

Universitas Andalas (UNAND)

1956

Yuliandri

Universitas Udayana (UNUD)

1962

I Nyoman Gde Antara

Institut Seni Indonesia Yogyakarta (ISI Yogyakarta)

1984

Prof. Dr. M. Agus Burhan

Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (UMY)

1981

Gunawan Budiyanto

Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII)

1945

Fathul Wahid

Universitas Tarumanagara (UNTAR)

1959

Agustinus Purna Irawan

Universitas Sanata Dharma (USD)

1955

Johanes Eka Priyatma

Read factbook

The Republic of India of The Bhartiya Commune

    August, 1978
    The Housing Rush

    Mother India Chapter XII¹ 

    सत्यमेव जयते
    Truth Alone Triumphs
    

Northern India
Mumbai, Maharashtra State, India

Cities across India have steadily grown in size and denseness since independence. Over the last two decades, hundreds of thousands have migrated from rural towns and villages to the cities in search of opportunity and a better life. The increase in population in India’s urban centers has placed a significant strain on both essential services and housing. India’s major cities from New Delhi to Mumbai to Kolkata to Lucknow and beyond, have seen an increase in not only blackouts due to increasing demand for electricity to housing shortages. Worse still, many of these individuals, the majority of whom come from lower castes or are otherwise victims of extreme poverty, end up working low wage jobs and living in terrible conditions in various shanty towns and slums in the cities they migrate to.

The city of Mumbai in particular has seen the highest growth of these slums. In fact, Mumbai has the largest of these shanty towns. Dharavi is a residential area home to hundreds of thousands of people, many of whom are poor rural immigrants who have settled in the city seeking better opportunities. Instead, many of them have spent years and some even generations in extreme poverty. The Dharavi slum is known for its lack of sanitation, high crime rate and a massive informal economy run by households or gangs. Police rarely enter Dharavi and when they do, it is usually with the support of Maharashtra Police and at times with additional backup from federal law enforcement.

In Mumbai proper, the sight of Dharavi and other slums around the city is either an eyesore or a danger to public safety. Local residents see the people living in the shanty towns either with disdain or pity, leading to the residents of the city’s slums becoming isolated from the wider community. This has contributed to a lack of development in the area and for the troubles of the slum residents to at times be ignored. However, some politicians and community leaders have made attempts to redevelop slums like Dharavi. Since the 1950’s, several proposals have been put forward to redevelop slums in Mumbai, but many of these either fail or are never implemented. A mix of corruption, opposition by local residents, and lack of funding from the Union Government has doomed any redevelopment programs.

Starting in 1978, there was renewed attention toward India’s slums, with Dharavi taking center stage. The new Sixth Five Year Plan includes plans to support the construction of new housing across India’s cities to accomodate an increasingly sizable urban workforce. While the Fifth Five Year Plan funded several infrastructure projects such as new roads, highways, railways, sanitation, and electricity, the Sixth Five Year Plan would put renewed focus on housing, particularly in India’s largest cities. While there wasn’t enough resources to construct new housing in every Indian city, the plan singled-out the cities of New Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata as the main beneficiaries of the 5-year long housing construction effort.

Construction of new residences and the demolition of slums in these three cities had already been resolved through contracts issued to India’s Public Sector Undertakings or PSU’s. These companies, already having experience in the construction sector would be able to keep costs down while maintaining some semblance of ‘quality’ to make the new public housing projects attractive to new tenants. As the project was drafted, Indian officials in charge of the program traveled abroad for inspiration, visiting countries like the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, West Germany, Japan and Singapore. These countries, having undertaken their own public housing projects could serve as the basis for India’s own undertaking.

Whatever inspiration was taken, whether it was from Japan, the Soviet Union or Singapore, it would have to meet India’s particular needs. Housing needed to be in the form of apartments that could accommodate as many units as possible to accommodate as many people as possible. The density of India’s cities along with the traditionally large size of Indian families demanded that any sort of public housing project be able to accommodate at least four people per unit. Standards for comfort were fairly low for Indian officials, who in turn were under instructions from the Indira Ministry to seek out “public housing options that can be built quickly and on a limited budget.”

Observing public housing in other countries had given Indian urban planners, government officials and architects great insight into how to build India’s new public housing scheme. Several different aspects were taken from various projects undertaken by other countries, particularly from Japan, the Soviet Union and Singapore. From the USSR, India implemented a research program to develop prefabricated apartment buildings which could be built quickly and cheaply. These buildings, in theory, could be built within a few weeks or months after slums are demolished. The Japanese Danchi had inspired Indian planners to ensure the inclusion of basic amenities. While the fairly modern appliances of Japanese public housing would be largely unavailable for Indian tenants, they would nevertheless have access to electricity, running water, sanitation, a kitchen and a radio with future plans to add in amenities like refrigerators, television sets and more. Finally, inspired by Singapore, Indian planners realized that initial projects could be basic, providing little in the way of luxuries beyond the essentials which would reduce costs and relieve the issue of the slums and overcrowding.

By late August of 1978, the Ministry of Planning and the Ministry of Works and Housing approved the National Rehousing Program. The plan, funded in part by the Union Government, would set a timeframe of 2 years to construct housing for 250,000 people. The NRP would then construct additional housing over a period of 2 years to house an additional quarter of a million people across these three cities. Bringing the total to over half a million Indians housed in public housing by 1982. While well-received by many people in India, some, particularly the INC’s opposition in Parliament questioned how feasible it would be to continue expanding India’s spending, particularly as Prime Minister Indira Gandhi continued to push for more ambitious infrastructure programs and military development. Despite the pushback, the program, like many of the similar programs pushed by Indira had been positively received by the wider population.

▬▬▬
Mother India¹ A Series: Pillars of the Republic, a series detailing the life, times and events of Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India.

The West Indies Federation of South Abrada

West Indies Federation - February 1978

Boiling Point

Political violence was not new to the island of Jamaica, it wasn't even new to most of the West Indies. Labor riots had led the charge of agitation since the early 1930s, where among them great men such as Bustamante, Norman Manley, Tubal Uriah Butler, Grantley Adams and Eric Williams all got their names, some more infamous than respected. The violence most certainly didn't stop with the creation of the Federation, but it had taken on a new standing now. Before the violence would be between the union and the state, now it was party vs party, gangs vs the state. The distrust at the ground level of the political system was exacerbated by the people's fear, the fear that they were becoming pawns in the larger geopolitical scene.

Prime Minister Manley was the man responsible, by and large, for opening relations with Cuba. Edward Seaga, meanwhile, is believed to be funded by the CIA with the express purpose of stirring dissent against the government. The Democrats had just been handed their most costly election in history, and the subsequent rise in gang violence made more than a few citizens turn their heads. Government meanwhile, while never officially opening a case into Seaga and the DLP's ties to America, had tasked the Military Intelligence Unit with tracking several prominent DLP politicians including Seaga himself. The Federalists could not say they had clean hands however, Bucky Marshall had a reputation for being someone the PNP could turn to as their answer to the other gangs in the city of Kingston. It was a useful alliance, when Manley was in Kingston, but he is not in Kingston any longer. He is now the head of government representing seven islands, more if even the smallest populated ones are counted separately. He could not allow the crisis in Kingston, the gang violence of political nature across the nation, to continue. A crackdown was needed, and they would target the heads first, Claude Massop and Bucky Marshall.

It started in January, when a new state of emergency was declared on the island. The Defence Force, armed proudly with their new Galil rifles and supported by armored cars and light tanks, marched into the hotspots of violence. Kingston and northern Port-of-Spain became home to several regiment checkpoints and garrisons alongside heightened police presence. To the observer, it appeared the nation was going to war, the older generation drawing comparisons to when wartime restrictions were placed during colonial rule. The Military Intelligence Unit inserted their operatives across these locations, shadowing every move of men like Marshall and Massop, then they struck. In several raids over the course of January, tens if not hundreds of gang or gang-affiliated men were arrested or killed. The methods taken were extreme, very extreme, and the planned optics of being hard on crime would soon shift when news of once incident became known to the media.

January 5th, at the Green Bay Artillery Range. 14 men of the "POW Posse", needing arms and ammunition for their job of being body guards for officials who, in actuality, were undercover agents of the MIU, were lured to a location just outside the range. The men were led out to a section of the range where they were given strict instructions not to move as they would be picked up by other persons who would take care of their work requirements and supply them with arms to be transported into Kingston. The MIU operatives then left, leaving the 14 in the middle of the open ground, thats when the firing started. On the receipt of a pre-arranged signal from one of the MIU operatives which was the firing of a single shot from his Browning 9mm pistol into the upper torso of one of the men, a specially selected team of snipers from the WIDF, led by Major Ian Robinson, opened fire into the 14 men. 5 were killed instantly in the barrage, the rest running into the bush to hide as the military gave chase. They were chased all the way into the bay, where at least one man had been able to successfully escape after being picked up by a nearby fishing boat.

When news broke of the incident, no one believed the WIDF's story of the men being shot dead after they were surprised by a special Strike Force of soldiers doing target practice, of all things. The 5 dead also conveniently happened to be members of the DLP, and had civilian histories that only added sympathy to their side. One was a former footballer, one an aspiring Reggae artist, the third was only 19. The oldest of the 5 was a contractor, reportedly building homes in West Kingston. Accusations of the WIDF's involvement in political assassination soon arose, the DLP themselves petitioned the Supreme Court and demanded an official inquiry into Major Robinson and his unit. This single incident was then used to cast doubt on the entirety of the anti-gang operations around the country, the same sort of doubt placed upon the Williams administration in 1970 when he used the Defence Force to arrest members of the NJAC in Trinidad.

The response by government was to reduce the active amount of Defence Force soldiers being used in the operations, focusing on armed police to do the bloody work instead. It did little to stop the opposition's calls in parliament that the operations be halted entirely, and it hampered the success of other raids when the MIU couldn't be used to set traps or gain intelligence. By February, they had bogged down. The large number of men being arrested for gang related offenses filled the justice system to such an extent that a whole new facility, the Gun Court, would be opened especially for gun related offenses. Most trials were to be conducted without a jury and closed to the public and the press, in order to avoid problems of intimidation of witnesses and jurors. There was no provision for bail, either pre-trial or during appeal, since all defendants were considered dangerous. They pressed new legislation on attaining firearms, attempting to make it harder for gangs to operate legally.

"It will be a long war. No country can win a war against crime overnight, but we shall win. By the time we have finished with them, West Indian gunmen will be sorry they ever heard of a thing called a gun." The Prime Minister declared on television. If he was to win back the public, there needed to be peace, and peace could only be achieved by cracking down on those who disturb it.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabiyah

         AL-MAMLAKA AL-ʿARABIYYA AS-SUʿŪDIYYA

      ______

      King Turki’s diplomatic trip to the United Kingdom and the United States
      KINGDOM OF SAUDI ARABIA | RIYADH, 1398 AH | September 19, 1978

    King Turki bin Faisal announce at the on September 14 that he will be taking a trip to Great Britain and the United States for diplomatic purpose and to strengthen ties with them. This will be Turki first state visit to the United States after becoming the new King of Saudi Arabia. He hope that doing his trip to UK and US that he will renew and strengthen the already good relationship between their two countries. He will be first visiting Great Britain and then will visit the United States and will leave for this trip tomorrow morning.

    Two days later on September 16, 1978, King Turki bin Faisal has landed in London, the capital of Great Britain where he will begin his diplomatic mission. As he was walking down from the plane he was greeted by both Muslim and non-Muslim British who came to see the ruler of a great kingdom in the east and the guardian of the two holiest cities in the Islamic world. Turki enters into the limousine and was escorted by black cars driven by British secret service to the PM residence. Once he arrived, King Turki was greeted with a warm welcome by UK Prime Minister James Callaghan who took the king to his audience room in his estate.

    For three days King Turki been having talks with Prime Minister James Callaghan concerning UK continue support his kingdom and continue good relationship between UK and Saudi Arabia. Turki also try to convincing the PM to put more pressure on Israel to return Arab territories they illegally occupied back to UAR and Syria along with supporting Palestinian independence cause. The meeting between two leaders ended on September 19, with UK confining a continue relationship between UK and Saudi Arabia, but the Israel situation wasn’t settled as Prime Minister James Callaghan insisting that the matter would not be his choice to make alone as he need parliament approval to do so. Few hours later, King Turki left Great Britain and Europe, heading towards his next destination, the United States.

      ______

         المجد لخالق السماوات!
        
        ‎وطني عش فخراً للمسلمين!
        
        ‎عاش الملك!



The Nordic Union of Earstenia

    October 1978

        N O R D I S K   D O M S T O L  

    The Push For Equality Continues to Move On

    In a landmark implementation, the Folketing in Denmark has passed legislation that would guarantee equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Lead by Prime Minister Anker Jørgensen, his coalition government with the center-right has come together to acknowledge gender inequality in work spaces, and has taken steps to seize it.

    The country, and much of the Norden continue to face issues with stagnation and high unemployment, in efforts to mediate frustrations, Jørgensen is hopeful that these incentives towards equality may bring relief. As it becomes law, and as a member of the High Council in Gothenburg, Jørgensen says that he would work by making it a union-wide law. A domino effect on this issue is likely, due to the popularity of this act among many people regardless of party affiliation. The Nordic Model has always favored towards insuring that the welfare of all citizens are attainable and equal.

    The Swedish Parliament has juggled equal pay for equal work legislation for years, however Denmark was the first in Norden. For it to become a multinational legislation would be a huge benefit for women in the union. As the High Council is looking to shift it’s leadership away from Jørgensen as he faces reelection next year, Odvar Nordli, the current Prime Minister of Norway will take the reign as High Commissioner of the council effective immediately until Norway’s General Election scheduled for 1981. Prime Minister Jørgensen will still serve on the council. Nordli, who also this year, after much preparation and activism, with among others, physicians Berthold Grünfeld and Axel Strøm of the Norwegian Labour Party and the Socialist Left Party, respectively, passed with a one-vote majority the current law, which provides for abortion on request in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. Bishop Per Lønning resigned from his office in the Church of Norway in protest against the new legislation. It’s safe to say that the leadership of the council will favor strong ideas that may continue to challenge the social norms for the betterment of society.



The State of Nippon-Nihon

      SHŌWA 53 | SEPTEMBER 1978

        日系人
        Nikkeijin

       D I S P A T C H W O R K  ¹ 

    PEACE PLAZA, JAPAN TOWN
    SAN FRANCISCO, Paramountica


░░ NIHON ░░

J A P A N E S ED I A S P O R A

The term Nikkei, from the Japanese word nikkei (日系, lit. "of Japanese lineage"), is often used to refer to Japanese people who emigrated from Japan and their descendants. These groups were historically differentiated by the terms issei (first-generation Nikkei), nisei (second-generation Nikkei), sansei (third-generation Nikkei) and yonsei (fourth-generation Nikkei). In this context emigration refers to permanent settlers, excluding transient Japanese abroad, although the term may not strictly relate to citizenship status. The Japanese government defines Nikkei people as foreign citizens with the ability to provide proof of Japanese lineage within three generations. On the other hand, in the United States and some other places where Nikkei people have developed their own communities and identities, first-generation Japanese immigrants with Japanese citizenship tend to be included if they are involved in the local community.

Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth of Liberty.
Read dispatch

The Commonwealth of La Isla de Puerto Rico

    August, 1978
    Luís A. Ferré, industrialist, entrepreneur, visionary, Governor of Puerto Rico

    Ferré’s Puerto Rico Chapter I¹ 

    
    La Isla del Encanto
    

La Fortaleza, San Juan, Puerto Rico

Luís A. Ferré was born to a Puerto Rican-Cuban family in the Municipality of Ponce on February 17th, 1904. Raised wealthier than most, Ferré never lacked for anything in his life, living better off than the average Puerto Rican. His father, who had immigrated to Puerto Rico during the 19th century, had started a successful series of business ventures, making him quite wealthy by the time Ferré was in his teenage years. As a young man, he worked for his father’s businesses before moving to the United States to study engineering, one of his many passions. With his father’s support, Ferré earned a bachelor’s and later a master’s degree at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Later, he would go on to study music at the New England Conservatory of Music, specializing in the piano which he would continue playing for the rest of his life.

Returning to Puerto Rico during the times of the Great Depression, Ferré took up work at his father’s company and helped him navigate the economic crisis. At the same time, Ferré was marked by the extreme poverty he saw as a result of the Depression, turning him into an advocate of economic regulation and government intervention along with philanthropy. During the late 30’s and early 40’s, he helped his father utilize company resources to assist the Puerto Rican Reconstruction Administration and Ferré worked as an engineer for the infrastructure efforts and rural electrification projects of the PRRA. The work of Roosevelt on the island turned Ferré toward supporting the New Deal and its policies and partially inspired his turn toward politics at the tail end of the 1950’s.

In the late 1940’s, Ferré became the head of his father’s company. The company undertook mostly construction-based projects under government contracts and as a result Ferré and his family became one of the wealthiest on the island. In the early 1950’s, he diversified the corporation, acquiring the island’s two largest cement makers, Puerto Rican Cement and Ponce Cement which he then merged into Puerto Rican Cement. Later he would acquire the newspaper El Día, one of Puerto Rico’s widest circulated newspapers. By then, Ferré had become a public figure, being known as a successful businessman, industrialist and a patron of the arts. He would later use that popularity to run for political office.

His prominent position as a businessman allowed him to be selected to become a member of the Constituent Assembly of Puerto Rico, responsible for the drafting of the Puerto Rican constitution. It was at that convention that Ferré demonstrated his political acumen, becoming an influential figure in shaping the wording of the constitution to include an article stating that Puerto Rico would be “in permanent union with the United States”. His influence made him a natural leader for the pro-statehood camp within the assembly. His presence however, was noted by influential politicians like Luís Muñóz Marín and the members of the reformed Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico who had also taken part in the assembly.

In 1952, Ferré became a member of the Legislative Assembly of Puerto Rico, becoming a Representative for the Republican Statehood Party of Puerto Rico. Four years later, he ran as the PER’s candidate for Governor, challenging Popular Democratic Party candidate and incumbent Governor Luís Muñóz Marín. While he failed to win the governorship, the PER received the second highest amount of votes, pushing out the Nationalists toward third place for the first time. Ferré would rise to a leadership position within the PER and remained its candidate for Governor over the next 8 years.

The plebiscite on Puerto Rico’s territorial status of 1967 represented a pivotal point for Luís Ferré’s political career. Participation in the referendum had become a topic of debate among members of the PER. One of the party’s founding members, Miguel A. García Méndez became the leader of a faction that advocated for a widespread campaign that would rally voters to vote in favor of statehood. Meanwhile, Ferré became the leader of a more pragmatic faction which saw the plebiscite’s non-binding status as damaging to the cause of statehood. These competing positions eventually caused a schism within the party and a personal falling out between Ferré and García.

On that same year, Ferré and a group of his followers gathered at a home in Bayamón and formed the group “Estadistas Unidos” which advocated for a boycott of the plebiscite. In a message to pro-statehood Puerto Ricans, Ferré described the referendum as: “A mockery of our cause for equality as citizens of the United States and as Puerto Ricans. No referendum that does not bind us to a process toward statehood is not worthy of our support.” His message and the campaign launched by Estadistas Unidos caused a pronounced drop in participation in the plebiscite and in turn, the delegitimization of the PER. The success of the boycott, the collapse of the PER and a schism within the PPD saw Ferré found the New Progressive Party or PNP to run in the 1968 general election.

Ferré’s historic victory in 1968 began the pinnacle of his political career. As Governor, he established himself as a pragmatic leader focused on economic development, the promotion of education and the reduction of emigration. His governorship coincided with the development of some of the projects under Operation Bootstrap, a Puerto Rican government project in collaboration with the U.S federal government which sought to industrialize Puerto Rico and transition its economy from agriculture to industry. However, even early on, Ferré had been a private critic of the project which he saw as excessively heavy-handed, one-sided and more importantly unstable. Its basis on tax incentives and the effective destruction of Puerto Rican agriculture had also been a major source of concern for Ferré.

While Ferré had no control over U.S federal tax grants or exemptions or over overall economic policy, he nevertheless pursued an economic development policy focused on local enterprises. Most of Puerto Rico’s industry that wasn’t foreign-owned consisted of small to medium enterprises, largely focused on labor intensive industry such as textiles and agricultural processing. These local enterprises were made to compete with foreign American corporations ranging from oil refineries (such as CORCO and Phillips Puerto Rico) to pharmaceutical companies to larger textile makers. By the 1960’s and early 1970’s, the negative impact of Operation Bootstrap could already be felt as unemployment sharply rose due to competition from neighboring countries which offered cheaper labor. Then, in 1973, the international Oil Crisis impacted the nascent oil refinery business in Puerto Rico which failed to compete with American refineries which were able to recover by purchasing American oil while refineries in Puerto Rico had largely relied on Venezuelan oil. CORCO, Puerto Rico’s largest employer, filed for bankruptcy and was forced to lay off half of its workforce.

This placed a massive burden on the Ferré Administration to resolve the crisis and bring back the prosperity the island had enjoyed during the late 50’s and early 60’s. But, bringing back that prosperity would require major reforms, some of which Ferré couldn’t implement. Puerto Rico’s position as a territory of the United States placed it in an awkward position where it was unable to choose its trade partners or seek out alternative foreign investment. The island was also susceptible to economic shocks from the Mainland, putting it at the mercy of the economic policies of Washington. Still, Ferré remained determined to ensure a return to economic growth.

In 1976, Ferré was re-elected, defeating the younger Rafael Hernández Colón of the PPD and Roberto Sánchez Vilella of the People’s Party or PP. Ferré ran on a campaign of economic renewal, promotion of sports and higher education, and the completion of various infrastructure programs in the interior and southeast sections of Puerto Rico. While Ferré had won the election with fewer votes than in 1972, he remained relatively popular among Puerto Ricans. However, within the PNP, Ferré faced a growing number of challengers, particularly from one of the founding members of the party Carlos Romero Barceló who sought Ferré’s spot as leader of the party and the governorship. Barceló led a faction which questioned Ferré’s ability to continue as Governor due to his age and the effectiveness of his policies. He also questioned his continued support for SOE’s, social policies and economic intervention. Instead, Barceló advocated for privatization, increased incentives to draw American investment, and a continued commitment to the objectives of Operation Bootstrap. In private Barceló also accused Ferré of giving a free hand to “socialist and communist forces” and publicly questioned the Governor’s commitment to “law and order”. Some among the public saw Barceló as power hungry, though others supported his ideas, putting the PNP in a precarious position not too dissimilar from that of the PPD in 1968.

▬▬▬
Ferré’s Puerto Rico¹ A Series:, a series on the governorship of businessman-turned-politician Luís A. Ferré



The State of Nippon-Nihon

      SHŌWA 53 | SEPTEMBER 1978

        拡大する産業
        Booming Industries

       D I S P A T C H W O R K  ¹ 

    GINZA, CHŪŌ
    TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon


░░ NIHON ░░

J I D O S H A
.


T O Y O T A


TOYOTA

Native Name

トヨタ自動車株式会社

Romanized Name

Toyota Jidōsha Kabushikigaisha

Company Type

Public

Industry

Automotive

Founded

August 28th, 1937

Founder

Kiichiro Toyoda

Area Served

Worldwide

In Southeast Asia, Toyota made efforts to establish domestic production in the Philippines and Indonesia in early 1970s. In the Philippines, it partnered with local company Delta Motor Corporation. Toyota assisted Delta Motor with capital procurement and technology transfers. In 1973, Delta Motor commenced operations at a new plant, beginning local production of engine blocks for the Toyota Corona 12R engine and other parts. In Indonesia, Toyota established Toyota Astra Motor as a joint venture with local partner Astra International in 1971, and conducted significant retooling at the PT Gaya Motor assembly plant. The plant began assembling various models, including the Toyota Corona, Toyota Land Cruiser, large trucks, and the Toyota Corolla, with production surpassing 10,000 vehicles by 1973. For both countries, Toyota developed a basic utility vehicle (BUV) with the local partners to meet local needs and support technology transfers, in response to domestic production policies in Asia. The first prototype of the BUV was completed in January 1975. The BUV was launched as the Toyota Tamaraw in the Philippines in December 1976, and as the Toyota Kijang in June 1977. The vehicle was well received in both countries.











N I S S A N


NISSAN

Native Name

日産自動車株式会社

Romanized Name

Nissan Jidōsha Kabushiki Gaisha

Company Type

Public

Industry

Automotive

Founded

December 26th, 1933

Founders

Masujiro Hashimoto
Kenjiro Den
Rokuro Aoyama
Meitaro Takeuchi
Yoshisuke Aikawa
William R. Gorham

Area Served

Worldwide

The company formed a US subsidiary, Nissan Motor Corporation U.S.A., in Gardena, California in 1960 headed by Yutaka Katayama. Nissan continued to improve the Sedan series with the latest technological advancements and chic Italianate styling for sporty cars such as the Datsun Fairlady roadsters, the race-winning 411 series, the Datsun 510 and the Datsun 240Z. By 1970 Nissan had become one of the world's largest exporters of automobiles. In 1970 Teocar was established, which was a Greek assembly plant created in cooperation with Theoharakis. Nissan Mexicana was established in the early-1960s and commenced manufacturing in 1966 at the Cuernavaca assembly facility, making it Nissan's first North American assembly plant. In the wake of the 1973 oil crisis, consumers worldwide, especially in the lucrative US market, began turning to high-quality small economy cars.
















M I T S U B I S H I


MITSUBISHI

Native Name

三菱グループ

Romanized Name

Mitsubishi Gurūpu

Company Type

Private Conglomerate

Industry

Automotive
Chemical
Electronics
Food
Financial
Metallurgy
Mining
Petroleum

Founded

1870

Founder

Yatarō Iwasaki

Area Served

Worldwide

In 1954, Mitsubishi Corporation was reformed, and the Mitsubishi Friday Club was established to foster camaraderie and information exchange among the chairpersons and presidents of major Mitsubishi companies. By 1964, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries also emerged. The Friday Club symbolised the formation of an equal group of companies, rather than the revival of the pre-war Mitsubishi zaibatsu with Mitsubishi Headquarters at the apex. In 1970, Mitsubishi companies established the Mitsubishi Foundation to commemorate the centennial anniversary of the founding of the first Mitsubishi company. The companies also individually maintain charitable foundations. Mitsubishi pavilions have been highlights of expositions in Japan since EXPO '70 in Osaka in the 1970s to 1980s.

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░░ NIHON ░░

N I H O NE I G A
.

The period after the American Occupation led to a rise in diversity in movie distribution thanks to the increased output and popularity of the film studios of Toho, Daiei, Shochiku, Nikkatsu, and Toei. This period gave rise to the six great artists of Japanese cinema: Masaki Kobayashi, Akira Kurosawa, Ishirō Honda, Eiji Tsuburaya, Kenji Mizoguchi, and Yasujirō Ozu. Each director dealt with the effects the war and subsequent occupation by America in unique and innovative ways. During this decade, the works of Kurosawa, Honda, and Tsuburaya would become the first Japanese films to be widely distributed in foreign theaters.Kon Ichikawa captured the watershed 1964 Olympics in his three-hour documentary Tokyo Olympiad (1965). Seijun Suzuki was fired by Nikkatsu for "making films that don't make any sense and don't make any money" after his surrealist yakuza flick Branded to Kill (1967). The 1960s were the peak years of the Japanese New Wave movement, which began in the 1950s and continued through the early 1970s.


T O H O


TOHO

Native Name

東宝株式会社

Romanized Name

Tōhō Kabushiki-Gaisha

Company Type

Public

Industry

Media
Entertainment

Founded

August 12th, 1932

Founder

Ichizō Kobayashi

Area Served

Worldwide, Mainly Japan

In May 1953, Toho established Toho International, a Los Angeles-based subsidiary intended to target North American and Latin American markets. Seven Samurai was among the first films offered for foreign sales. Toho and Shochiku competed with the influx of Hollywood films and boosted the film industry by focusing on new directors of the likes of Akira Kurosawa, Kon Ichikawa, Keisuke Kinoshita, Ishirō Honda, and Kaneto Shindo. After several successful film exports to the United States during the 1950s through Henry G. Saperstein, Toho took over the La Brea Theatre in Los Angeles to show its films without the need to sell them to a distributor. It was known as the Toho Theatre from the late 1960s until the 1970s. Toho also had a theater in San Francisco and opened a theater in New York City in 1963. The Shintoho Company, which existed until 1961, was named New Toho because it broke off from the original company.













S H O C H I K U


SHOCHIKU

Native Name

日産自動車株式会社

Romanized Name

Nissan Jidōsha Kabushiki Gaisha

Company Type

Public

Industry

Entertainment (film)

Founded

1895

Founders

Takejirō Ōtani
Matsujirō Shirai

Toho was Shochiku's primary rival during this period, competing for talent and properties as well as with the influx of Hollywood films and the rise of television. By the start of the 1960s, Shochiku's films were criticized as “old-fashioned” with the popularity of rival Nikkatsu’s Taiyo-zoku youth-orientated movies. The studio responded by launching the Japanese New Wave (Nuberu bagu) which also launched the career of Nagisa Oshima among others, though Oshima soon went independent; the films of Oshima and other film makers were not financially successful and the company changed its policies.
















A R TT H E A T R EG U I L D


ATG

Native Name

日本アート・シアター・ギルド

Romanized Name

Nihon āto shiatā girudo

Industry

Entertainment (film)

Founded

1961

The Art Theatre Guild (ATG) was a Japanese film production and distribution company which started in 1961, releasing mostly Japanese New Wave and art films. From the late 1960s to the mid 1980s, it also often acted as producer. ATG began as a distributor for foreign art films in Japan, with the Toho studio being its main financier and one of its initiators. By 1967, ATG was assisting with production costs for a number of new Japanese films.

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The Dominion of Canada of Hudson Straits

    MAY 1978
    A New Opposition / The Heir Apparent

      T H E   D Y N A S T Y  ¹  

    Canada embodies many things,
    hope, peace, prosperity,
    but even without any of those,
    Our home will still be the North Star. . .

    Le Canada incarne beaucoup de choses,
    l'espoir, la paix, la prospérité,
    mais même sans aucun de ces éléments,
    Notre maison sera toujours l'étoile du Nord. . .

HINTONBURG COUNTY, OTTAWA
CENTRAL OTTAWA, Hudson Straits

▌When Pierre Trudeau won the general elections, many Canadians celebrated the continued reign of Liberal Supremacy. Once the elections had been finished, the original opposition (the New Democratic Party, or NDP) had been left in complete shambles, with the next general elections taking almost all renament influence out of the picture. The new opposition had been a movement brewing from northern British Colombia and Southern Yukon -
The Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (known as the PCPC, collectively known as 'Tories')

▌Originally only holding minimal seats in parliament, the conservative support began to rise shortly after worker protests and the introduction of pro-working class policies in the party. They became known as a quickly ascending political hope movement that eventually gained traction with their leader, the proclaimed 'leader of the opposition' - Brian Mulroney. Elected Leader of the PCPC. Many political issues (which had long been workers' tax, economic tariffs, and international trade) had all been sorted under the PCPC using peculiar planning and cunning political strategy. Though the opposition was slowly becoming a threat, the Liberal party had more pressing manners to attend to their attention - their next Candidate. A main worry of the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) was the increasing worry of Trudeau retiring from politics. Despite him only just winning the elections, it was clear his medical standards wouldn't continue to allow such political activity.

▌ Many called it the continuation of a dynasty, a continuation of a political career passed down to the next apparent heir. This led to his now 5-year-old son, Justin Pierre James Trudeau, being the next inheritor of his father's political epic. His charisma, even though he was still young, was apparent. Known for his cheerful attitude and his political studies being all inherited from his father. Many were confident the young Trudeau would make a great leader someday, leading Canada into the future. What was next? Many could only speculate, as the young Trudeau advanced in his political academia and began to become invested in the Canadian Sphere of Politics. . .



The State of Nippon-Nihon

    SHŌWA 53 | SEPTEMBER 1978

      法科大学院
      Law School

     W A S E D A  ¹ 

    君が代は
    千代に八千代に
    細石の
    巌と為りて
    苔の生すまで

    May your reign 
    Continue for a thousand, 
    eight thousand generations, 
    Until the tiny pebbles 
    Grow into massive boulders 
    Lush with moss

WASEDA UNIVERSITY — AUTUMN
SHINJUKU, TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon

▌Waseda University — rebuilt in ’49 after suffering bombings during WWII — has grown into a wide institution, encompassing two senior high schools and a school of art and architecture. Recognized as one of Japan’s most prestigious private universities, Waseda has a rigorous admissions process. Among those who entered Waseda this year are SHIGERU TANAKA, HIROSHI ITO, and OSAMU KATO — law students. Raised in Tokyo’s wealthiest neighborhood, TANAKA attended the country’s best schools and was taught by private tutors. Unlike TANAKA, ITO and KATO come from lower-middle-class families, which required them to study hard to enter Waseda Law School. The day before the exam, ITO and KATO decided to take advantage of the time to study, but TANAKA was not willing to stay in the dorm and study, instead, he wanted to visit the bar near the university.

      SHIGERU TANAKA, Waseda Student

      “Why not relax and have fun? We’re in college, we should enjoy it!”

      リラックスして楽しんでみませんか? 大学生なんだから、楽しむべきです!

      HIROSHI ITO, Waseda Student

      “Tomorrow is the test day, so we shouldn’t do that.”

      ベギンは優れた演説家だったと聞きました。

      OSAMU KATO, Waseda Student

      “Also, after we finish the test, we will have to attend a lecture.”

      また、テストが終わった後は講義に出席しなければなりません。

      SHIGERU TANAKA, Waseda Student

      “Okay, while you two study, I’ll check out that new bar on the corner.”

      よし、君たち二人が勉強している間に、僕は角にある新しいバーに行ってみるよ。

      HIROSHI ITO, Waseda Student

      “Oh, you mean the one with the colored sign?”

      ああ、色のついた看板の付いたやつですか?

      SHIGERU TANAKA, Waseda Student

      “Yes.”

      はい。

      OSAMU KATO, Waseda Student

      “I’ve heard about this bar, but I've never been there.”

      このバーのことは聞いたことがありますが、行ったことはありません。

      HIROSHI ITO, Waseda Student

      “If I chose fun over studying, my parents would be disappointed — haha!

      もし私が勉強より楽しみを選んだら、両親はがっかりするでしょう(笑)

As soon as the conversation ended, TANAKA put on his best clothes and went to that bar on the corner near the college, while his classmates continued to study for the exam. There he met the most popular students in the college, which made TANAKA realize that he would choose fun over studies. However, this fun did not last long. The next day, TANAKA failed his exam because he was absent. His parents were so furious that they cut off his allowance for three weeks. With his parents’ reprimands, TANAKA decided to study with his classmates instead of looking for fun.

▬▬▬
¹ A Series: WASEDA, A storyline that portrays the lives of three college students at Waseda University.

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