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The Ideation of Kursibar

“The only way out is down”

Category: Civil Rights Lovefest
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Regional Influence: Shoeshiner

Location: Conch Kingdom



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The Corponation of Kursibar

Quoma (Quoman)

Teh (Aboard the Teh Ark)


Kursibar: For a Better Tomorrow

"To the Workers"


Population 306,810
Density 1.52/km

Capital Kuruk
Largest City Sibbarra

Official Languages
Violetist Quoman, English

National Language
Violetist Quoman, English, Classical Quoman, Neo-Violetist

Ethnic Groups

Serpent Mormonism

Kursibari (official)
Lukursibar (common)

Government Distributed Democratic Corporation-State
- CEO Ada

The Board
- Margo Abbadis
- Jan Haybert
- Merran Innina
- Gideon Ul-Koma
- Allexxon Val-Dezi

- August 30, 1802 (Free State of Kursibar)
- August 30, 1989 (Corponation of Kursibar)

Land Area 200,581.4 km

Highest Point: Mt. Kusibad (1,510 m)
Lowest Point: Olic Ocean (0 m)

GDP (nominal) 27.810 billion Rovas
GDP (nominal) per capita 90,643 Rovas

GINI 33.9 medium

HDI 0.853 high

Currency Kusig

Time Zone KST

Date Format DD-M-YYYY

Drives on the left

Calling code +65

Internet TLD .ku


The Corponation of Kursibar, commonly called Kursibar, Quoma, or Teh, (depending on region) is a distributed democratic corporation-state in Conch Kingdom. The island portion of the nation is bordered on all sides by the Olic Ocean. Kursibar covers 200,581 square kilometres and has an estimated population of 306,810 people. Kursibar comprises of one state, six federations of city-states, and a semi-autonomous arcology.


The name Kursibar derives from the two groups of people settled on the island, the indigenous Quomabar* and the Kursi* colonists. The name dates to the 16th century, predating the formation of independent Kursibar.


Early history

Fossilised remains of Homo Quomas*, once popularly known as the "Sibba Man", suggest Kursibar was inhabited two million to 500,000 years ago. Homo sapiens reached the region around 43,000 BCE. Quombar peoples*, who form the majority of the modern population, migrated to the Laurentian archipelago by the way of the Olic ocean. They arrived on the island around 2,000 BCE and completely wiped out the native peoples. Ideal agricultural conditions and the mastering of wet-field steelwheat* cultivation as early as the eighth century BCE allowed villages, towns, and small kingdoms to flourish by the first century CE. The island's strategic sea-lane position fostered inter-island and international trade, including with Takarian kingdoms and Elisiean dynasties, from several centuries BCE. Trade has since fundamentally shaped Kursibari history.

From the seventh century CE, the Ul-Quoma naval kingdom* flourished as a result of trade and the influences of the Order of Violet*. Between the eighth and tenth centuries CE, the Quoman Alledha* and Violetist G'yeth* dynasties thrived and declined, leaving grand religious monuments such as the Sibbaran Gap* and the Sharp Temple Well*. The Quoman Telladha kingdom* was founded in eastern Kursibar in the late 13th century, and under Abdul Telladha*, its influence stretched over present-day Kursibar. This period is often referred to as a "Golden Age" in Kursibari history.

Colonial era

The first Kursi* arrived in the archipelago in 1512, when traders led by Nicodemus Theodorus*, sought to monopolise the sources of steelwheat, cloves, and baob pepper* in the Laurentian Archipelago. International traders followed. In 1602, the Kursi established the Kursi Trade Company (KTC)* and became the dominant power for almost 200 years. The KTC was dissolved in 1751 following bankruptcy, and the Kursi established the nation of Kursibar as an integrated and nationalised colony.

For most of the colonial period, Kursi control over the archipelago was light-handed and unusually peaceful. Kursi mercenary forces were only engaged when drunken sailors would start riots in port towns. The influence of local leaders such as Chidimad Najm*, Gedon Temitope Telladha*, Maluku*, and the April Accords* (signed in 1601) cemented the working relationship between the Kursi and indigenous Quomabar and led to a smooth transition of power with the downfall of the KTC. Only in the early 20th century did Kursibar reach its full territorial limit. On August 30, 1802, the First Kursibari Constitution* was signed, establishing a direct democracy, appointing a president, and signifying Kursibar's transition into statehood.

Under the Free State of Kursibar*, output from the Advancement Society* and other initiatives (combined with the Quoman Rennaisance*) to create innovations in science and engineering, while the enormous growth in Kursibari overseas trade protected by mercenary navies paved the way for a nation on par with the rest of the world economically and culturally. Domestically, it drove the Kursibari chapter of the Industrial Revolution, a period of profound change in the socioeconomic and cultural conditions, resulting in industrialised agriculture, manufacture, engineering and mining, as well as new and pioneering road, rail and water networks to facilitate their expansion and development. In 1825 the world's third permanent steam locomotive-hauled passenger railway the Pan-Quoma Railway* opened to the public.

During the Industrial Revolution, many workers moved from the countryside to new and expanding urban industrial areas to work in factories, for instance at Kuruk* and Sibbarra*, dubbed "Drydock of the World" and "Copper City" respectively. Kursibar maintained relative stability through this period of growth and expansion. The presidency of Rayla Mierria* (1857-1862) is noted for its elegance and achievements in the fine arts and architecture.

Modern History

The 1921 Energy Riots* ended Kursibari dependence on the limited resources of coal and oil and encouraged the research into alternative power supplies, such as wind and hydroelectric power.

The most influential person in this era of Kursibari history was President Isayr Valens.* A paranoiac, Valens moved signifigant power to the government, including the nationalization of police and utilities and allocation of funds to increasingly absurd "special projects"*. Tensions between the government and the taxpayers culminated in an attempted coup in 1955*. The government countered by instigating a violent anti-sedition purge that killed between 23,000 and 25,000 people. Valens capitalised on the newfound support-through-fear of the populace, and following a drawn-out, rigged election in 1957, accelerated militarist expansion and the building of the Teh Ark*. His "New Order" administration encouraged foreign direct investment, which was a crucial factor in the subsequent two decades of substantial economic growth.

Eruption of Kusibad

In late 1970 geologists noticed that seismic activity on the main island had begun to increase. Increased fumarole activity, deposition of sulfur on the summit of the volcano, and phreatic eruptions also alerted geologists to the possibility of an eruption. Phreatic events, when rising magma encounters water, continued well into September 1971 (one major event took place on September 4, 1971), shooting steam high into the air. Activity began to decline in October, probably because the new magma had finished ascending Mt. Kusibad*'s volcanic edifice. With volcanic eruption being an unexpected and unwanted threat, warnings by prominent Kursibari scientists were either supressed, incorrect, or ignored.

The day of the eruption, black ash columns erupted from the volcano at approximately 3:00 pm local time. The local Civil Defense director in Qomabad* was promptly alerted to the situation. He contacted the government office of Civil Defense*, which ruled that the area should be evacuated; he was then told to contact the Civil Defense directors in Kuruk and Sibbarra. Between 5:00 and 7:00 pm, the ash stopped falling, and local officials instructed people to "stay calm" and go inside. Around 5:00 pm an emergency committee meeting was called, and when it ended at 7:00 pm, several members contacted the regional authorities over the intended evacuation efforts.

At 9:09 p.m., on November 13, 1971, Kusibad ejected dacitic tephra more than 30 kilometres (20 mi) into the atmosphere. The total mass of the erupted material (including magma) was 35 million metric tons. The eruption produced pyroclastic flows that melted summit glaciers and snow, generating four thick lahars that raced down river valleys on the volcano's flanks and destroying cities across the island of Kursibar.

In total, more than 46,000 people were killed, approximately 5,000 were injured, and 12,000 homes throughout thirteen cities were destroyed. The entire biosphere of Kursibar was significantly impacted. The Kusibad tragedy, as the event came to be known, was the deadliest volcanic disaster of the 20th century.

The Mending

The Teh Ark Project, largely financed by government-owned private equity firms with no-longer existent offices, set sail on November 18, 1971, leaving some 21,000 people stranded on the mainland* and an additional 10,000 aboard ocean-going wind platforms.* After ten years, regional and provisional governments were linked via the Haybert-Tellada Agreement*, which was ratified as the Second Kursibari Constitution on August 30, 1989. Among the many provisions of the Second Constitutions was the awarding of top-level power to the Teh Ark's construction company. The transition from nation into a hybrid corporation-polity was fraught with violent political disagreement, with the new corponation of Kursibar being fractured into several physical territories. However, the future remains bright, with democratic elections being held regularly and the high standard of living amongst the Kursibari.


The Island of Kursibar developed a cinder cone volcano known as Kusibad. The highest point is at Kusibad's peak, at 4,970 feet (1,510 m). Today, the island has suffered a catastrophic collapse and now lies as a debris field scattered northward. What remains of the volcano on the island include the highest sea cliffs in the world.

The largest town on the island is Sibbarra, which is one of two hyper-dense ports on the island. The island's sole international airport, Mierra Int'l*, is located on the relatively flat shoreline on the island's south side.

The Teh Ark and island platforms are considered to be artificial constructs and variable in both location and climate.


Kursibar had a tropical maritime climate that was usually hot and humid. There were three seasons: a hot dry season or summer from March to May; a rainy season from June to November; and a cool dry season from December to February. The southwest monsoon lasted from May to October, and the northeast monsoon from November to April. Temperatures usually range from 21 C (70 F) to 32 C (90 F). The coolest month is January; the warmest is May.

The average yearly temperature is around 26.6 C (79.9 F). In considering temperature, location in terms of latitude and longitude is not a significant factor, and temperatures at sea level tend to be in the same range. Altitude usually has more of an impact. A quirk of meteorology after the Kusibad Tragedy led to the island receiving ash as well as rain. Annual ashfall measures as much as 5,000 millimeters (200 in) in the mountainous south coast section but less than 1,000 millimeters (39 in) in some of the sheltered valleys.


Formerly one of the world's most biodiverse regions, mosses and lichens now cover much of the island. During the island's first 20 years after the eruption, 20 species of plants were observed at one time or another, but only 10 became established in the nutrient-poor sandy soil. As birds began nesting on the island, soil conditions improved, and more vascular plant species were able to survive. In 1998, the first tree was found on the island - the Kursibari Larch* (L. illutana). By 2008, 77 species had been found on Kursibar, of which about 30 had become established. This compares to the approximately 490 species of flora preserved and growing on the Teh Ark. More species continue to recolonize, at a typical rate of roughly 25 new species per year.

The expansion of bird life on the island has both relied on and helped to advance the spread of plant life. Birds use the plants for nesting material, but also continue to assist in the spreading of seeds, and fertilize the soil with their guano. Birds first began nesting on Kursibar three years after the eruptions ended, with fulmar and guillemot the first species to set up home. Twelve species are now regularly found on the island.



The main languages spoken in Kursibar are Violetist Quoman* and Classical Quoman*, followed by the Kusi dialect of English*, and the Neo-Violetist languages*. Quoman is written with versions of the Quoman script. Since 1997, the Violetists have switched from the Quoman script to the Violetist alphabet.

Prior to the second constitution, English was the sole official language. Since the new Constitution of Kursibar was approved in 1989, both Quoman and English are recognized (Article 4) as official languages. In addition, any region or province may declare other languages official if a majority of the population approves in a general referendum.


Violetism* is the predominant religion in Kursibar, although its society is among the more diverse in the world. In the 2020 census, 79.8% of respondents identified with one or more religions, including 76.0% identifying as Violetist. Another 21.2% indicated that they had no religion. The Quoman-based religions are also Violetist in origin. Immigration and demographic change in recent decades have contributed to the growth of minority religions, such as G3*, Buddhism*, and Serpent Mormonism*. The Teh Ark exhibited the greatest religious diversity.


Kursibar's native population is predominantly Quoman, as well as other ethnic groups including Kursi.

A report by the United Federation of Research Service suggests that in 2020 there were approximately 278,000 Quomans; 21,000 Kursi; 3,000 immigrants of indeterminate origin; 2,000 Violetist pilgrims; 1,000 of the indigenous Quma*; and 1,000 international refugees.


From the 1900s, improvements in public health occurred as a result of development in several areas such as social and living conditions, changes in disease and medical outbreaks, establishment of the health care system, and emphasis on public health matters. Vaccination and increased treatment opportunities with antibiotics resulted in great improvements within the Kursibari population. Improved hygiene and better nutrition were factors that contributed to improved health.

The disease pattern in Kursibar changed from communicable diseases to non-communicable diseases and chronic diseases as cardiovascular disease. Inequalities and social differences are still present in public health in Kursibar today. The island of Kursibar, especially, is prone to outbreaks of respiratory illness due to volcanic gases and everpresent ashfall.

Public health services are provided by the governmental corporation KursHealth.*


Higher education in Kursibar is offered by a range of three specialised colleges, 2 university colleges* as well as a range of private schools on isolated wind platforms. Acceptance is offered after finishing upper secondary school with general study competence.

Public education is virtually free, regardless of nationality. The academic year has two semesters, from August to December and from January to June. The ultimate responsibility for the education lies with the governmental corporation KursEd.*

Largest Cities



City Population















New Hope Platform


New Hope


Liberty Platform A




The Kursibari Charter System* is a matter of necessity for the far-flung and largely self-sufficient population of Kursibar. Citizens are usually subject to two levels of governance: local authorities and the corporations. In almost all cases, local officials are elected by a plurality vote of citizens by city.

The overarching corporate government is regulated by a system of stakeholder clauses defined by the Second Constitution, which serves as the country's supreme guiding document. The original text of the Constitution establishes the structure and responsibilities of the government and its relationship with the individual cities, states, and dependencies.

The overarching corporate structure is made up of an elected board of directors that appoints the CEOs of major subsidiaries and makes major economic decisions. The board* reports directly to the CEO, who is elected by the people.

The government itself is made up of smaller companies that are partially or fully owned by Kursibar. The corponation makes money off these companies and in return provides a large dividend. More successful companies' CEOs have a shot at the board of directors.

Employee-citizens for Kursibar and its subsidiaries are entitled to a one-time share to afford payments of the dividend. An exception to these rules are contractors, who are paid by Kursibar but are not strictly employees. The Board possesses a 49% stake in the company, and the citizenry the other 51%.

Despite superficial similarities to national governments, the corporation's lawyers have always maintained that it has no legal obligation to its 'employees', but voluntarily elects to take on the roles usually served by a democratically elected government. This claim has not yet been tested in UFT courts.




Acting Leader




HR Head, Island Division Golshan Abbasi



The Helm

Captain Tafez Caldwell



Liberty Platform A

Administrator Jayanta Bahar Jamshidi

New Hope


New Hope Platform

Administrator Theophilus Kovalchuk



Nicodemus Station A

Administrator Xia Jieng

Deep Blue


Deep Blue Admin Deck

Station Chief Richard Greebling




Grand Mauve Yahaira Jeong



Aquadyne Platform

Station Chief Abacuc Pasternak

Military and Foreign Relations

Kursibar's Asset Protection Services (APS) include the Land Expoditionary Force (APF-L), Naval Expoditonary Force (APF-N), and Aerial Expeditionary Force (APF-A). The entire APF has about 9,000 active-duty personnel. The APS company was formed from informal militia and several corporate security teams. Since then, territorial lines have formed the basis of all APS branches' structure, aimed at maintaining domestic stability and deterring foreign threats.

Kursibar has a nuclear program, but has halted the active development and assembly of nuclear weapons and is in the process of selling its stockpile to interested state actors.

While it has been more or less neutral for most of its history, Kursibar now maintains a more active foreign policy (obstensibly for sales purposes). Kursibar is now taking bids from all buyers.


Economic Indicators

Rank: Developed
Economic Capital: Kuruk
Currency: Kusig
Fiscal Year: 5th June - 1st June

GDP (nominal): 27.810 billion Rovas
GDP (nominal) per capita: 90,643 Rovas
Labour Force: 301,227
Unemployment: 1.82%

Free enterprise within Kursibar is encouraged, but competition is tight, and all goods exported to other countries must be Kursibar branded. Profitable businesses are bought out by the corponation, with owners ascending to the Board of Directors. Well-known Kursibari technologies such as the reinforced survival dive suit originated with such private enterprises. The largest sector of the Kursibari economy is high technology and manufacturing, although energy resources and storage are a fast growing field.

Science and Technology

Kursibar is a scientifically advanced nation, and is a pioneer in the fields of naval technology, energy logistics, and aquaculture. A majority of revenue goes towards further research and development of new products to improve both the life of the citizens and the bottom line.


Communications in Kursibar are typically handled by the nation's 3G HSPA+ network and robust oceangoing drones. KursCom* provides full service for every wind platform, island city, and level of the Teh Ark. Due to the unique nature of Kursibar's geographic situation, delivery of goods from island to platform has inconsistent time.


The cultural history of the Kursibari people spans more than two millennia. Influences from the Order of Violet, mainland Elisia, the Kursi, Quoman, and the numerous peoples have historically shaped the cultural, linguistic and religious makeup of the islands. As a result, modern-day Kursibar has a multicultural, multilingual and multi-ethnic society, with a complex cultural mixture that retains many elements from the original indigenous cultures. Kursibar currently is investing significant funding in the restoration of cultural heritage damaged or destroyed in the Kusibad Tragedy.


Football is the most popular sport in Kursibar. Football is a considerable uniting factor in Kursibar following years of division and disaster. Swimming, too, is a popular sport, along with diving, spearfishing, and modern pentathlon. The Kursibari water polo team often competes on the international level.

The Kursibari Football Association is the governing body of football in Kursibar, controlling both the national football team* and the Kursibari Premier League*. It was founded in 1928.


Some of the ingredients commonly utilized in Kursibar are steelwheat, the pepper vegetables, avocados, tilapia, sardines, and other fruits and spices. Other Indigenous products are many beans. Similarly, some cooking techniques used today are inherited from the Ul-Quoma empire, such as the heavy use of myrosinase-based ingredients as a spice (as opposed to the cascapium-based spices used elsewhere) and the searing food over pit fires.


Kursibar's greatest infrastructural asset is the Teh Ark, which is a semi-self-sufficient arcology with enough shelter, agricultural output, and energy generation to supply 75,000 people on a permanent voyage. Outside the Ark, a smaller, more agile fleet of boats carries cargo, people, and fuel for resupply. On the vast wind platforms in Kursibar's ocean properties, infrastructure is well-maintained and vital to not only power production, but the survival of communities aboard them.

However, in the island cities, infrastructure is often under states of constant improvement or construction. Roadways have to be continually swept free of ash and debris, along with aerial transport being a risky venture at best. Inter-city transport is usually via monorail services. Water is provided by two large desalzination plants.


Kursibar generates all of its electricity locally. The vast majority of this energy comes from offshore wind platforms, with almost 89% of the country's power coming from them alone. The rest is from other non-fossil fuel sources, including nuclear energy generated by the Sibbarabad Nuclear Breeder Plant. The Teh Ark generates power via massive arrays of solar panels and two on-board gen II nuclear reactors.

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The Ideation of Kursibar